(UNIVERSITY 0&f THE EISENLOHR COLLECTION IN EGYPTOLOGY AND ASSYRIOLOGY PRESENTED TO CORNEM, UNIVERSITY BY a., Abraham 1902 LlAlIA?. ...y..#ll?i- 3947 JOHNS HOPKINS SEMITIC PAPERS. The Beginning of The Babylonian Nimrod Epic, by Paul Haupt. The Names of the Hebrew Vowels, by Paul Haupt. The Marburg Collection of Cypriote Antiquities, by Christopher Johnston. The Pall of Nineveh, by Christopher Johnston. Note on Two Assyrian Words, by Christopher Johnston. The Polychrome Lion of Babylon, by Karl J, Grimm. The Meaning and Etymology of the word rw'lfl, by Karl J, Grimm. The Internal Passive in Semitic, by Frank R. Blake. The Word m? in the Siloam Inscription, by Frank R. Blake. . Two Unidentified Geographical Names, by Rev, T. C. Foote. The Old Testament Expression zcmdh ahr&, by Rev. T, 0, Foote. Gideon's Water-Lappers, by Rev. Wm. B. McPherson. An Early Egyptian Cylinder, by James T. Dennis. A Rare Royal Cartouche, by James T, Dennis. The Modern Chaldeans and Nestorians, by Rev. Gabriel Oussani. The Arabic Dialect of Baghdad, by Rev. Gabriel Oussani. Eeprinted from the Journal op the American Oriental Society, vol. xxii, First Half, 1901. Cornell University Library PJ 25.069 Oriental studies: ^'3jfov..?*- ! V.£<' Oriento? J^ufcte* BEING A SELECTION OF PAPERS READ BY MEMBERS OF THE OtkntaV |?enunatrj> OF THE BALTIMORE, Md. AT THE ANNUAL MEETING OF THE JlttteHcan ©rienfctf Society HELD IN NEW YORK APRIL, 1 901 (Jle w %&vt*, Conn. 1901 REPRINTED FROM VOL. XXII OF THE gourde of §* Hmwttt* ©w«t«f Soeittg DEDICATED TO ©anief Coit (Bifman PRESIDENT OF THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY IN COMMEMORATION OF tfyt tftwithtfy MMMte&vp of fyie Mttfy'bty JULY 6th 19 oi BY THE MEMBERS OF THE OF THE BALTIMORE, Md. Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924026815039 PP. LL. 3 ,10 n-3 5 , 6 44 46 6 . ! 3 8 17 n.2 26 7 , 4 6 18 20 8 >I3 IS 9 , 5 7 11 18 II ,14 24 26 27 29 35 , 4 36 , 8 —H3- Jto&en&a it ComgeniA •£»»- For 51 read 50. For 197 read 179; cf. also ibid. 131,25; 135,41. thou wilt live for ever {cf. 11. 7.207 of the Flood Tablet) should have been enclosed in brackets; so, too, to his belt (Assyr. ana sibbisu) in 1. 8 and from his belt in I. 10. For Orientalische read Orientalistische. Add: Contrast KB 6,223, 11. F 'or from read of. [the colophons. Add to wrote: (lit. laid down; cf. ki'rib ekalliia ukln at the end of For pronounced read recited or read. For whB read who. Prefix: Lit., which does not release. For kima read klma. For ZszVj- read 2 read K3B>. For Casper read Caspar. For nns read nns. For "m read "Wl. For n'tftfl read n'tfW. vi -°«3«3 read _ ji. 45,14 . For Jjs read JJ^s. 46, I For (_/>£-«> read ^yjSj^i. 6 : For iehivd read iehivA. 28 . For luqqafy read luqqah. 47,12 . For ^ap read Stsp\ 48,12 . For eg read IBj?. 51,14 . For Nnaipl read SMlpJ. 25 • Add: Cf. also critical note on Deut. 2,34 in SBOT. 52,21 • For below read p. 53. 38 . For p. 59 read p. 53. 53, 4 : After jJ) insert: {cf mipeTov). 20 • Omit and. n. 1 : Add: Some forms of jJj are connected with >\j. 23 : For iXJ) read ijJ). 24 : For -iuxi) read vXJ). 28 • For carpel read carpal. 54, 3 : Insert and before it. 6 : Omit stop after -ma; so, too, in 11. 7.9. 10. 11. 18 : For niy read TljOl:. 23 . For meqdl read miq&l. 24 . After cf. insert Iran. 55,20 . After ply insert and. 59,29 . Is. 23,15-18 is post-Exilic. [cf. Lev. 5,15). 35 • After holiness to the Lord (cf. p. 62, 1. 35) add: (Koppfiv Mark 7, 1 1 ; 62,40 For Deut. 14,2: "Boy, whatever &c. read: Deut. 14,26: "What- 63,29 : For Lesestiichs read Lesestiicke. [ever &c. 68, n.2 : For p. 121 in the first line of this note read p. 12. For Qebc in the last line of this note read Gibe. 71,20 . For Mittheil-ungen read Mitthei-lungen. 74 , 1 1 . For Books read Book. 76.11 . Before and after Tartary insert commas. 77,37 -For Testament read Testaments. [p. 87, 1. 17. 79, 7 : For Mansili read Mausili; so, too, p. 80, 1. 16; p. 86, 11. 30.33.36; 18 : For Chaldei read Chaldai. 80, 1 : Omit (1). 82 , n. 1 : Read Orient. Literaturblatt. 83, 5 : For officis read officii. 84.12 . For a read a. 18 : Read patriar-charum. 86 , 38 : For comparS savec read compare's avec. 91,17 : F01 fitftfe rend Jizze. -°K3«s#$- .Ktottrta ti torttjjert&a *3-§>et*>- vn PP. IX. 91,24 : 30 : 92,22 : n.4: 94,15 = 28 . n.3: 95, 10 . 32 : n.2 : 97,17 : n.5: 98,18 23 99,ii 100,20 33 34 35 101 ,20 102 , s 7 12 13 18 22 25 n.2 103, 6 16 104, 8 15 n. I n.2 105, 2 13 19 106,17 21 29 107, 16 18 19 20 21 22 For £-*-*^ read g-^*£. After Stumme add Landberg, Fischer, &=c. For ^^*tJ\^ read ^^J^; so, too, p. 93, 1. 1. For Wilrte read Wiiste. For A^X£«> read ^.X^o. For C^fiLo read C-vSLo. Read Assyri-ologie. For i_--*,XlS' read i_-ol^, and after in add: /#« dialect of Baghdad. For i acf6gfy read 'acfogh. Prefix: (y above, p. 42, n. 3. For Segolate read segolate. For 102 read 96. Read Jjl aiiu. For ^XjXXS read ^i^LXs. After <5z>zz' add: (cf. bln-A 'with him,' below, p. 102, 1. 27). For (J,^s3 read (J,_jas. For qatalkunnu read qataltiinu {cf. p. 98, 1, 22). • For j^^J^XXS read ^liSS. For *XJ-Xs read j*XSJo. ■ For a read X; so, too, 11. 21.22.25; cf. p. 53, 1. 24. : For iild'ika read uld'ika. : For hddhdliauma ^read hddhaliauina. ■. For ^SU read 3^ : For ,_^ij read S^y^o. : For s-itdqit read sudgit; cf. 1. 19, and p. 92, 1. 10. : For sauiiiatd"- read sauuata". ■ For ."^-"J read *(_j-">. : For no read 104. For *up read fj«. : For tahnidh read talmidh. : For ^-r^ read ^ j^- : For fieskir read fieskir. : For Kripiicrau) read KnpuouuJ. : For 109 read 103. : For 1*. read i\ so, too, 1. 28. : For $ read ^. • For £ read g. : For Jd'far read Jdfar. ■ For ^.iij^o read ( _ y ioyo. • For '»>**£*. read »A<<K3«- pp. LL. 108, 3 : For uiqltni read uit;litni\ cf. p. 96, 1. 24. 16 : For i_j>j-*"Jb read Jjj-uJb. 19 : The 1 in ,_yXjl is too small (w.f.). It might be well to add that Professor Haupt was unable to read the proofs of these papers (except the galley proofs of pp. 12-38 and 64-69). Printed by W. Drugulin, Leipzig. The Beginning of the Babylonian Nimred Epic. 1 — By Paul Haupt, Professor in Johns Hopkins University, Balti- more, Md. Foe more than ten years after Geo. Smith's discovery of the twelve tablets of the Babylonian Nimrod 2 Epic, in 1 872, the fragment K. 3200, with the description of the siege of Erech, was considered to be the first fragment of the series, 3 until I succeeded, nearly twenty years ago, in finding the beginning of the epic. While autographing the text for my edition, I noticed that the indistinct traces of the first line of the fragment K. 2756, c, which had generally been assigned to the third tablet of the series, lent themselves to the characters constituting the name of the series, Sa naqba emuru. As the opening line is generally used as the name of the series, it was evident that I had at last discovered the first tablet and the opening fragment of the epic. Delitzsch, in the second edition of Miirdter's Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens (Calw and Stuttgart, 1891), accepted my identification ; so, too, Dr. Alfred Jeremias in his Izdubar Nimrod (Leipzig, 1891). On plate iv of Jeremias' book I pub- lished a new fragment giving the last four characters of the first line of the series, viz., di-ma-a-ti. Although Jeremias adopted my identification of the first fragment of the series, he still believed that the description of the siege of Erech on K. 3200 belonged to the first tablet, while he assigned the other fragments of the first tablet in my edition to the second tablet of the series. We find this old error even in Professor Jastrow's excellent book The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (Boston, 1898), p. 472. In his transliteration and translation of the Nimrod Epic, pub- lished in the sixth volume of Schrader's Keilinschriftliche Biblio- thek (Berlin, 1900), Professor Jensen believes, with me, that the 1 Bead at the meeting of the American Oriental Society in New York, April, 1901. 2 Cf. my remarks in the Critical Notes on Proverbs (in The Polychrome Bible), p. 33, 1. 18. 3 Cf. Geo. Smith, Assyr. Discoveries, fifth edition (London, 1875), p. 168; Chaldean Account of Genesis, ed. A. H. Sayce (London, 1880), p. 192 ; German translation, by Hermann Delitzsch (Leipzig, 1876), p. 169. VOL. xxil. 1 2 P. Haupt, [ 1901 - fragments assigned by Jeremias and Jastrow to the second tablet constitute the first tablet of the series, aod the initiated know that Jensen would no doubt have preferred to make my first tablet the last of the series if he had had the ghost of a chance. 1 He seems to considerthe identification of the first fragment a very simple thing. He says the number of the tablet is fixed by the first line, which is identical with the name of the series. 1 It is undoubtedly very simple, after the indications given in my edition; but before the publication of my text it was not so easy. I had autographed several pages of my edition before I made the discovery, and I had to rewrite several pages in order to give the f ragments of the first tablet in their proper order. Jensen also adopts my theory that K. 3200, generally supposed to be a fragment of the first tablet, does not, belong to the Gilga- mesh series. 5 This fragment describes a siege of the ancient city of Erech. Men and beasts were all in a panic. The she-asses trampled under foot their foals, the wild cows cared not* for their calves. And the people were just as much frightened " as the beasts; like doves moaned the maidens." The gods of Erech, the well-walled, 7 turned to flies humming through the squares ; the guardian angels of Erech, the well-walled, turned to mice and slipped away into holes. For three years was the city of Erech besieged by the enemy : the gates were barred and fastened; the goddess Istar could not make head 8 against Erech's enemies." 1 Eighteen years ago I assigned the two fragments K. 2589 and K. 8590 (Nos. 5 and 6 of my edition), tentatively, to the third tablet of the series. Jensen, on p. 189 of his translation, gives them as columns iii and iv of the seventh tablet, but on p. x of his introductory remarks he assigns them again to the second tablet. 2 Cf. KB. 6, 117. n. 2 and contrast A. Jeremias, Izdubar Nimrod, p. 14. 3 Contrast Bezold's Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kou- yunjile Collection in the British Museum, p. 2078, b (London, 1899). 4 Lit. hated; cf. jiiaku Matt. 6, 24 ; Luke 14, 26 ; 16, 13 ; John 12, 25 ; Rom. 9, 13. 5 Jensen : brullt ; see, however, Critical Notes on Proverbs (in The Polychrome Bible), p. 61, 1. 46. 6 ( '/. Nah. 2, 8 ; see Beitrage zur Assyriologie, 3, 103. 'Jensen: Hurden-Erech ! 8 For the corresponding Hebrew phrase CJ>N"\ ff|J see Crit. Notes on Ezra-Nehemiah (in The Polychrome Bible), p. 70, 1. 8. 9 The Assyrian text reads as follows: — idusd muresina at&n&ti || izird pureUna H'dtiWkima btilu ummdni ixdti:\\1&ma summati iddmumd arddti || ildni sa Uruk swpuri || itturu ana zumbe ixdbubu ina rSbdti II Vol. xxii.] Beginning of the Babylonian^Nimrod Epic. 3 Professor Jensen, referring the masculine suffix of nahrisu to the goddess, translates, Istar does not put her head upon her enemy, 1 which is absolutely meaningless. There are a number of peculiar renderings in Jensen's work which are characteristic of his idiosyncrasies rather than of his scholarship. He thinks it more scientific to translate what he calls literally ; he uses such preposterous phrases, for instance, as sie machten Zunge' (p. 21,1. 134); seine Wase war gesenkt (p. 87, 1. 1); ihr Baiich sich erheitert (p. 8V, 1. 16); die Freudenmadchen ihren -Bauch erschiittern (p. 91, 1. 51). He thinks it more accurate to say he loosens dreams 3 instead of he interprets them (Assyr. Sundtu ipdsar), and my unscientific translation iiber mein Antlitz flossen meine Thr&nen* is replaced by auf die "Matter meiner Nase" gehen meine Thranen(gilsse), which is picturesque but wrong: dar appi does not mean the wall of the nose but the cir- cuit of the nose, i. e. the cheeks (cf. KAT. 2 501, 2). Jensen is right, however, in adopting my theory that the fragment describ- ing the siege of' Erecb does not belong to the series. There is no room for it in the narrative. The beginning of the Babylonian Nimrod Epic is, unfortu- nately, very much mutilated and, therefore, rather difficult. In his Assyrian Discoveries, Geo. Smith translated the first line : The waters of the fountain he had seen, the hero, Izdubar. In Smith's Chaldean Account of Genesis, edited by A. H. Sayce (p. 183), the line was explained to mean : The canals, the toiling hero, the god Izdubar had seen. In the German translation of Smith's work we find the rendering, Das UnglUck, das man Izdubar betreffen sah, 'the calamity which was seen to come over Izdubar.' But the ideograms ku-gar iz-tu-bar mean Series of Izdubar and do not belong to the text of the first line of the epic ; 6 the line ends, as I stated above, with -di-ma-ati. sedu sa TJruk supuri || itturu ana sikke-ma ittdgH ina nuncab&ti II III sanAta al TJruk lami nakru || abbullati udduld, nadti, xargulla || Istar ana nakrisu ul isdkan qaqqadsa || etc. 1 '• Setzt " Istar " ihr Haupt " nieht auf ihren Feind. 2 If a German translated the English phrase the dog gave tongue, liter- ally, der Hund gab Zunge, he would simply show that he did not under- stand the English idiom, and translations like Pferdemann for horse- man would be ridiculous. 3 "Lost" die Traumbilder (p. 197, 1. 210). 4 Assyr. elt dur appi\a illakd dim&'a (KAT. 2 63, 15). 5 Cf. Beitrage ziir Assyriologie, vol. i (Leipzig, 1889), p. 102. 4 P. Haupt, [ 1901 - Now what is the meaning of this first line sa naqba emuru j ] -di-ma-a-ti? Jensen translates : who saw everything .... of the land. It is true that we have in Assyrian a word nagbu or nagpu (with J) which means totality, all; but it is never used without a following genitive or a possessive suffix. Who saw everything would be sa kaldma emuru. Naqbu in this connection must be the stem 3pJ , and naqbu, with p , means depth, espe- cially the interior of the earth which was imagined as a high mountain filled with water arid floating on the universal sea, the apsu (like a gas-tank). 1 The naqbu* corresponds to the foun- tains of the great deep in the Biblical account of the Flood (Gen. 7, 11: Dini? nU^a-^S VJ??J)- In the beginning of Psalm 24 we read that Jhvh has founded the earth on the seas and established it on the floods (ninnj-^in II llID' D'D'-ty N1H '3 i73J3'); seas and floods are amplicative plurals for the great sea and the great flood, just as By the rivers of Babylon in the begin- ning of Ps. 137 means By the great river of Babylon, i. e. the Euphrates; 8 miHJ corresponds to the Assyrian apsu and D'Q* to naqbu. Now in I. 290 of the eleventh tablet of the Nimrod-Epic, con- taining the cuneiform account of the Deluge, we read that Gilga- mesh descended to the subterraneous ocean in order to obtain the plant of life. After Gilgamesh had been healed by the wife of his ancestor, Hasis-atra, 4 he boarded his ship with his ferryman ; but when they were ready to sail, Hasis-atra's wife said to her husband : Izdubar has come here undergoing all kinds of hard- ships, 6 what wilt thou give him now that he is returning to his land ? Thereupon Gilgamesh unstepped the mast " and the ship 1 See the plate representing Die Welt naeh babylonischer Vorstellung in Jensen's Kosmologie (Strassburg, 1890). 8 Cf. KB. 6, 284, 55. 3 Cf. Crit. Notes on Proverbs (in The Polychrome Bible), p. 34. 1. 81. 4 Cf . for this name my remarks in Bulletin No. 18 of the Twelfth International Congress of Orientalists (Rome, 1899), p. 11. Assyr. illiha, enaxa, istita. Jensen translates hat gezogen, but sdtu ' to drag ' means also ' to proceed laboriously, to move on with effort ' (German sieh schleppen). 6 Assyr. i§stpartsa. Jensen translates : Hat er doch die (Schiffs)stange erhoben; but he would probably experience some difficulty in pushing a boat across the ocean with a pole. Even a setting pole of 60 cubits or 105 feet (KB. 6, 221, 41, 45) might not answer the purpose. Partsu (cf. Vol. xxii.] Beginning of the BabylonianJS/'imrod Epic. 5, was brought near the shore. Then Hasis-atra said to Gilgamesh: What shall I give thee now that thou art returning to thy land ? I will disclose to thee a secret matter and the mystery of the gods will I reveal to thee. There is a plant like the buck-thorn, its stem is like the dagger-vine. If thy hands obtain this plant, thou wilt live for ever. When Gilgamesh heard this, he opened the well, attached heavy stones to his belt, so that they dragged him down to the bottom of the sea. He took the plant of life, cut off the heavy stones from his belt, and came up again from the naqbu, the interior of the earth. Now the first line of the epic evidently refers to Gilgamesh's descent to the subterraneous ocean in quest of the plant of life. I would, therefore, read: Sa naqba emuru isdi mdti, i. e. Who saw the great deep, the bottom of the earth. Before Gilgamesh reached the abode of his ancestor Hasts-atra he had to cross the me milti, the Waters of Death, as described in the tenth tablet of the epic. 1 We expect a reference to this unique adventure in the beginning of the epic. I would, there- fore, read the second line : [sa me mdtt] idti, kdla mdnaxti 'who saw the waters of death, undergoing all kinds of hardships' ; and in the third line iksud-ma mitxaris 8dm nibittP 'he obtained at the same time the plant of promise.' The verbal form in the third line has no overlapping vowel like the verbal forms in the first two lines ; consequently the apodosis begins in the third line. I would, therefore, restore the beginning of the Babylonian Nimrod Epic as follows :— He who saw the great deep, the bottom of the earth, who beheld the waters of death, undergoing all kinds of hardships : he obtained at the same time the plant of promise, the primal 3 knowledge of everything ; he found the 1. 65 of the Account of the Deluge) must mean mast. For the Babylo- nian cubit, see Notes on the English translation of Ezekiel (in The Poly- chrome Bible), p. 180, 1. 23; cf. Crit. Notes on Numbers, p. 66, 1. 2. According to Peiser in his Orientalisehe Literaturzeitung (Feb., 1901), col. 64, the GAK was equal to 14 cubits, so that Jensen's setting pole (or Ruderstahge) would have a length of 122J feet. 1 Cf. KB. 6, 216, 25; 220, 50. 8 Cf . KB. 6, 250, 1. 295 ; contrast Delitzsch's Assyr. Handworterbuch, p. 446, a. Nibittu, however, might also be a special word for springs nambd'u, from V3J (cf. qibittu from V^P > sibitti ' seven,' erbitti 'four,' etc.). ' ' 8 Jensen reads kutum instead of qudum ; cf . Q"|p Prov. 8, 22. .9 Haupt, The Babylonian JVimrod Epic. [1901. secret, he revealed the mystery, he hrought the account from the time before the flood, he made the long journey ' undergoing all kinds of hardships, and wrote on a tablet all his adventures. He built the wall of Erech the well-walled, and Eanna (the temple of Istar in Erech) the sacred and holy abode. The following line is mutilated ; the only words preserved are -su fa kima qe ' his . . . which [shines] like brass.' Then we should, perhaps, read Ufa- nassa siptasu Sa Id umassaru 'he pronounced his charm which cannot be broken,' 2 .... the slab which from days of old . . . 3 If the text were not so fragmentary it would be perfectly plain. At any rate, it seems to-Tne certain that the first lines contain particular references to Gilgamesh's wondrous adven- tures, his descent to the great deep, his crossing of the waters of death, and the obtaining of the plant of life, not vague general- ities as in Jensen's translation. 4 The first line after which the entire series is called sa naqba emuru [is]di mdti must no doubt be translated, not who saw everything .... of the land, but who saw the great deep, the bottom of the earth. ' Cf. KB. 6, 204, 19 ; 210, 9 ; 218, 5. 2 Cf . KB. 6, 266, 6. 3 The Assyrian text may be restored as follows : — sa naqba emuru \ [is]di mdti || [sa me muti\ idu \ kdla [mdnaxti || iksu]d-ma mitxaris j [§&m nibitti || qu]dum, nimeqi \ Sa lealdmi [exuz || ni]cirta emur-ma | fca- timta [ipt%]\\ubla tema | Sa lam abubi II urxa ruqta illikdiha | dnix [Sd'it II ukiri] ina nari \ kdlu mdnax[tisu || usepiS ?] d&r | sa Uruk su[puri || E-ari]-na qudduSi ] Sunummi[ ellim || . . . . ~\nasu \ Sa kima qe [ . . . . II . . . .]iltanassasiptaSu | Said umaSSdru [. . . . || . . . .] askup- patu | sa ultu u[me . . . . || etc. 4 The best renderings in Jensen's work are undoubtedly those derived from Delitzsch's Assyr. Handworterbueh. The Names of the Hebrew Vowels. 1 — By Paul Haupt, Profes- sor in Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. In a footnote of my paper on the semi-vowel u in Assyrian, published fourteen years ago in the second volume of the Zeits- schriftfilr Assyriologie* I remarked that the references in §6 of GeseniuB-Kautsch's Hebrew Grammar to the phonetic works of Briicke, Merkel, , Sievers, Sweet, Techmer, Vietor, Trautmann, etc., seemed to figure merely as a traditional ornament, and that a short talk of fifteen minutes with Sievers would undoubtedly induce the distinguished editor of Gesenius' work to undertake a radical transformation of that paragraph. I found it necessary to point out to such eminent Semitic scholars as Professor Nol- deke, of Strassburg, and the late Professor Paul de Lagarde, of Gottingen, that the English th was neither an aspirata nor an affricata but a spirans, adding that Indo-European scholars who happened to see those remarks would perhaps be sui-prised that I deemed it necessary to discuss the elements of phonetics. 3 I also called attention 4 to the fact that we found an exact analogy to the spiration of Hebrew postvocalic b, g, d, p, k, t in Celtic ; but Semitic scholars do not seem to pay any attention to phonetics. 6 In the Oxford translation of the latest edition of Gesenius' He- brew Grammar," the modification of postvocalic fifl^TJO is still 1 Bead at the meeting of the American Oriental Society in New York, April, 1901. 2 Leipzig, 1887, p. 263, n. 2. 3 Of. the remarks at the end of note 3 on p. 20 of my Sumerische Familiengesetze (Leipzig, 1879). 4 See my paper On the pronunciation of tr in Old Persian in Johns Hopkins University Circulars, No. 59 (August, 1887), p. 117 b ; C. F. Leh- mann, Samassumukin, part 2 (Leipzig, 1892), p. 103" s. v. Cf. also Lagarde's Mittheilungen 2, 45 (Gottingen, 1887). 6 In the first edition (Leipzig, 1880) of his excellent Syrisehe Oram- matik, Noldeke called the change of postvocalic b to v, p to/, etc., affrieation ; in the second edition (Leipzig, 1898) he uses the term assib- ilation. 6 Oxford, 1898, § 21 ; so, too, in the German original (Leipzig, 1896). Contrast Brockelmann's Syrisehe Grammatik (Berlin, 1899), § 42. 8 P. Haupt, T1901. termed The Aspiration of the Tenues; but b, g, d, are no tenues, and all six consonants are pronounced as spirants after a preced- ing vowel, not as aspirates. Nor have Semitic scholars, as a rule, taken the trouble to study my treatise on the Semitic sounds and their transliteration, pub- lished eleven years ago in the first part of the Johns Hopkins Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative Semitic Philol- ogy. 1 There are, however, a few notable exceptions. The dis- tinguished Egyptologist of the University of Leipzig and editor of Baedeker's Egypt, Professor Steindorff, one of my first students in the University of Gottingen, has evidently studied my phonetic researches for the phonology of his Coptic Grammar ; 3 and the well- known Arabist, Count Landberg (two of whose magnificent col- lections, comprising 2,000 valuable Arabic (Persian and Turkish) manuscripts, have recently been presented to Yale and Princeton) told me, at the last Oriental Congress, held in Rome in 1899, that he had found my phonetic researches very helpful for his studies in Arabic dialectology; and a few days ago Professor Eduard Sievers, of Leipzig, sent me the first part of his elaborate work on Hebrew Metrics, 3 which will have a most wholesome effect on the current ideas of Hebrew poetry. He states there in his pho- nological introduction (p. 14, n. 1) that he agrees on all essential points with my views concerning the Semitic consonants. Sievers' treatise on Hebrew meters, which is a wonderful piece of work in view of the fact that he is not a Hebraist but a Germanic scholar (although he had the assistance of some distinguished Semitists like Socin, Kautsch, and Buhl), will probably give a new impetus to phonetic studies among Semitic scholars, 4 and I hope the next edition of Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar, which will be issued in the course of this year, will eliminate several time-honored errors in the domain of Semitic phonetics. 1 Beitrage zur Assyriologie und vergleichenden semittschen Sprach- wissenschaft, vol. i, part 1 (Leipzig, 1889), pp. 249-267. ! Koptische Grammatik (Berlin, 1894). 5 Metrische Studien I. Studien zur hebraischen Metrik in vol. 2 1 of the Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Olasse der Kdnigl. S&chs- ischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften (Leipzig, 1901). 4 The only Semitic grammar in which we find a phonology based on the principles of modern phonetics is Brockelmann's Syrisehe Gram- matik (Berlin, 1899). Vol. xxii.] Names of the Hebrew Vowels. 9 A characteristic illustration of phonetic ignorance is the tradi- tional rendering of the names of the Hebrew vowels. The Hebrew names are quite appropriate and show that the old He- brew grammarians knew a good deal more about phonetics than the average modern Hebraists; but the traditional rendering of the Hebrew terms is in some cases simply preposterous. The i-vowel is called by the Hebrew grammarians p")*tl ; this stem is invariably translated gnashing, 1 as though you could produce an a-vowel by gnashing the teeth ! It is true that the Hebrew verb pill means to gnash the teeth in live passages of the Old Testa- ment, but the initial gutteral may correspond not only to the Arabic (cf. juLi Jy*) kit a * so t0 *^ e Arabic &•■> an< ^ Or* - means to rend, and the noun iV^i. xarq denotes rent, fissure, narrow opening- ^iJ| ^j^. xarq el-fami is the narrow opening of the mouth, narrow lip-aperture or lip-spreading (by spreading out the corners of the mouth) — a very appropriate name for the vowel i. All the phonetic names of the Hebrew vowels refer to the lip-positions, not the tongue-positions. In the same way the vowel e is called '"IV which corresponds to the Syriac \->^ breach, fissure, rent, narrow opening, from the stem JOV t0 rend, to break, to split/ but instead of rendering *"12f by narrow opening, Hebrew grammarians generally give the vague translation division, parting (of the mouth)" as though the other vowels could be formed without parting the mouth. The other name of the e-vowel IDtJ' and the Arabic name M f ' kasr have the same meaning; they do not mean breaking,* as is gen- 1 Cf . § 8, d of the Oxford translation of Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar ; in the 26 th edition of the German original : Knirschung ; so, too, Stade, in his Lehrbueh der hebr. Gramm. (Leipzig, 1879), p. 40 (§ 35, a). Konig in his Lehrgebaude der hebr. Sprache, vol. i (Leipzig, 1881), p. 44, gives Knirschen, Kreischen, following Gesenius' Lehrgebaude (Leipzig, 1817), p. 38. 2 So in the Oxford translation of Gesenius' grammar ; in the German original : Spaltung, Riss [des Mundes). This would be an appropriate name for harelip (German Hasenscharte) but not for the vowel e. Stade, § 35, a : '*13£ oder auch *\2\ff vom Spalten oder Aufreissen des Mundes ; KSnig, § 9, 5 : Zerreissung. 8 Kautzsch : Brechung, a grammatical term introduced by Jacob Grimm for the vocalic assimilation produced by an a-vowel in the preceding syllable, e. g. helfam for hilfam and gaholfan for gahulfan. 10 P. Haupt, . t 1901 erally translated, but breach, narrow opening, referring to the lip-spreading characteristic of the * and e vowels. The wider opening of the mouth in the case of the vowel a is termed HHQ , which could not be misunderstood ; also in Arabic and Syriac it is called f-** fath and M^ opening, respectively. The long d-vowel, however, is called Yftp contraction (of the corners of the mouth), because it was pronounced not as a pure. d as in father, but as a Swedish a (Danish aa) 1 or our English aw in awl, all, etc. In the same way the o-vowel is called D^lfT which describes the medium lip-narrowing in the pronunciation of the o-vowel; the verb D^ll is used in post-Biblical Hebrew of the mending of skins (D'^H Tiy) which were occasionally repaired by binding them up, as it is called in the Judaic story of the stratagem of the Gib- eonites in Josh. 9, 4, where the Polychrome Bible adds the explanation that the edges of a rent were tied around with a string. Wine-skins are mended in the East by being bound up in this way, or patched, or even by covering the holes with round, flat pieces of wood. The Hebrew term used in the Book of Joshua is DH1VID ■ The term D^IH was probably preferred to a derivative of the stem T1\J in order to avoid confusion with the name '"IV ; besides, a derivative of *T"iy would have been ambiguous, as there are several homonym stems in Hebrew owing to the threefold character of the Hebrew \J ; which represents not only an Arabic \jO , but also -ie an< * \jO .' The names for the w-vowel, p'Tltt? and j^Sp have practically the same meaning ; they both denote the close lip-narrowing where the lips are contracted to a narrow chink ; the Only differ- ence between D^lfl and pTltJ' , Y^p * s tnat D^IH denotes a less close lip-narrowing : YDp denotes the slight lip-narrowing where only the corners of the mouth are contracted, D^IH is the medium lip-narrowing, with a wider and broader opening than in the case of YDp j while YSyp and p'lltJ' represent the close lip-narrowing where the lips are brought so close together that the mouth is almost 1 The Swedish a is used now also in Danish instead of aa. * Cf . Appendix III in Driver's Hebrew Tenses 3 (Oxford, 1892), pp. 222 ff . : Haupt, Beitrage zur assyr. Lautlehre (Gottingen, 1883), pp. 92- 97. Vol. xxii.] Names of the Hebrew Vowels. 11 closed. 1 In Arabic the w-sound is called *-»o from *~'. pQp may have been >"]¥, pit], D^fT, pl& , t*Qp . In the same way the name for the neutral vowel or mur- melvocal is pronounced SMvd, but the original form may have been H2& chip. This name has been fully discussed" by, one of my former students, Professor Casper Levias, of the Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati. LagardeV idea that the names Hfifl and T*Dp should be pro- nounced as Aramaic participles, viz. ("trifli TOP' ' 8 untenable. In a special paper I shall discuss the names of the vowels in Syriac. 1 Cf. Henry Sweet, A Primer of Phonetics (Oxford, 1890), p. 6. 4 In vol. 16 of the American Journal of Philology (Baltimore, 1895), pp. 28-37 ; cf. especially.p. 34, n. 5. 3 Cf. Lagarde, Mittheilungen, 2, 175 (Gottingen, 1887). The Marburg Collection of Cypriote Antiquities. — By Christopher Johnston, Professor in Johns Hopkins Uni- versity, Baltimore, Md. Through the liberality of Mr. Theodore Marburg, of Balti- more, the Johns Hopkins University has recently come into possession of the valuable and interesting collection of Cypriote antiquities acquired by Mr. Marburg from Col. Falkland Warren, C.M.G, who filled the office of Chief Secretary to the Government of Cyprus from 187.9 to 1891. Col. Warren, whose papers on Cyprian coins are well known to numismatists, during his long residence in Cyprus devoted much attention to the study of archaeology and was an ardent collector of archaeological objects. For this his official position gave him exceptional advantages. The objects comprising the collection which, through the gen- erous gift of Mr. Marburg, is now the property of the Johns Hopkins University, were in part found by Col. Warren himself in the course of excavations carried on under his supervision, in part purchased by him from the peasants who found them. The objects purchased, as he states in a letter to Mr. Marburg, were specially selected from a large number brought to him at various times. The collection, which numbers 122 separate pieces, con- tains 49 ornaments of gold, 13 seal-cylinders, 20 engraved gems and seals, and 40 scarabs and other small objects. Babylonian, Phoenician, Egyptian, and Greek art are all represented by char- acteristic examples, and the period of time covered would seem to be from about 800 to 150 B. C. Earrings seem to have pos- sessed a special attraction for the ladies of ancient Cyprus, and the very large number of these ornaments found has been remarked by all writers on Cyprian archaeology. Of the 49 gold ornaments in the Marburg collection no less than 42 are earrings or parts of earrings. The most usual pat- tern is the circle terminating in the head of a lion, a lynx, an ibex, or a bull, the eyes of the animal being usually represented by tiny gems set in the gold socket. The workmanship is remarkably fine. Some earrings consist of a simple crescentic ring without ornamental addition ; many, of all designs, have pendants attached ; and a few have jeweled settings. A particularly Vol. xxfi.] Johnston, Collection of Cypriote Antiquities. 13 attractive design, which Col. Warren characterizes as Etruscan, consists of a disc formed of concentric headed rings, and shaped like a shield with central hoss. Three finely wrought pendants give a graceful effect to the whole. There are seven gold finger rings, four of which are set with engraved gems. One of them has a carnelian setting in which an Athene is beautifully cut. Of the 13 seal-cylinders, 6 have cuneiform inscriptions of the archaic type, and all are engraved with mythological subjects deeply incised. A scarab of black hematite and a seal of the same material contain brief inscriptions in Cypriote characters. Many of the remaining seals are finely engraved and afford inter- esting examples of the gem cutter's art. A fine intaglio, cut in red sard, contains a beautifully executed head of Alexander the Great, which Col. Warren believes to have been a contemporary portrait. A very interesting cameo contains three heads concen- trically arranged — Alexander, the Olympian Zeus, and the Egyptian god Amon. The gem of the whole collection is unquestionably the beauti- ful intaglio on which is depicted the goddess Athene overcoming a Titan. The goddess, fully armed, holds in one hand a long spear, while with the other she turns the Gorgon shield towards her opponent. The Titan, of human form from the waist upward while his lower extremities are formed by two scaly serpents, is sinking back in consternation, his arms uplifted as though to ward off the terrible sight. All the details are marvelously executed, and the effect of the whole as seen by transmitted light is exquisite. It is cut in an oval of pale yellow sard measuring 2.3 by 1.5 inches. I have not been able to make a careful study of this interesting collection, but hope to do so and to report upon it more fully in the future. The Fall of Nineveh. 1 — By Cheistopheb Jobnston, Professor in Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. At the death of King Ashurbanipal, in 626 B. C, the Assyrian empire still extended from the Persian Gulf to the Mediterra- nean. But to the West, Syria, disorganized by the Scythian and Kimmerian invasion, was ready to fall a prey to Egypt at the first favorable opportunity. To the North the Scythians held full sway and, though for the time being friendly to Assyria, were too powerful to be altogether comfortable neighbors. To the East, the Medes, enemies both of Assyria and of the Scythians, were pressing westward to the frontier of Assyria and southward into Elam, which had been devastated by Ashurbanipal and left defenseless. In the South, the Chaldean Nabopolassar promptly took advantage of the death of the Assyrian monarch to make himself king of Babylon, though at first his rule did not extend beyond the ancient city and the district immediately adjacent. Ashurbanipal was succeeded by his son Ashur-etil-ilani, of whose reign little is known. Dated contract tablets show that he ruled both in Assyria and in Babylonia until at least the year 622. He probably died soon after this date. His successor, and the last king of Assyria, was his brother Sin-shar-ishkun, the Sar- acus of classical writers. Fragments of his inscriptions have been found referring to wars in which the Assyrian arms were successful. These inscriptions seem to date from the earlier part of his reign, and it is probable that his adversaries were the Medes. Two contract tablets are dated at Sippara in the second year of this king, and one is dated at Erech in his seventh year, so that he could claim sovereignty in Babylonia down to the year 615 or later. Between this date and 611 B. C. there must have been a change in the situation, since a contract tablet dated at Sippara in the fifteenth year of Nabopolassar indicates that the Chaldean king of Babylon then had possession of northern Babylonia. The inscriptions of Nabopolassar refer to wars in which the aid of the gods brought him success, and in one of them he claims 1 Abstract of a paper read before the American Oriental Society, April 12, 1901. The paper will be published entire elsewhere. Vol. xxii.J Johnston, The Fall of ^ineveh. 15 the conquest of the Mesopotamian district of Subaru. From this it would appear that he had not only made himself master of a considerable portion, if not the whole, of Babylonia, but had overrun some of the most important provinces of the Assyrian empire. This rapid extension of the dominions of Nabopolassar argues weakness on the part of Assyria, and may well have coin- cided with the events described in Herodotus I, 103-106. According to the Greek historian, the Medes, under their King Cyaxares, invaded Assyria and had actually invested Nineveh when the siege was raised by an army commanded by the Scyth- ian king Madyes, son of Protothyes. There seems to be no good reason for doubting this statement, and the relief of Nineveh, which probably occurred in the year 610, left the Assyrian king Sin-shar-ishkun free to carry on a vigorous campaign against Nabopolassar, who, deprived of Median aid and opposed by some of the Babylonian cities, now found himself in a most dangerous predicament. He was saved by the Medes, who, having in the mean time signally defeated their Scythian opponents, now returned to the attack, and Nineveh was once more besieged. But the complete investment of the great city was by no means easy to accomplish. The Tigris ran close by her walls, and strong fortifications along the river connected her with the strong cities of Asshur and Kelach. The western bank of the Tigris gave communication with Mesopotamia, whence both supplies and troops could be drawn, and so long as this important district held out for Assyria the reduction of the capital was well nigh hopeless. It was necessary, therefore, that the country to the west of the Tigris should be rendered useless both as a source of supplies and as a base of /military operations. This seems to have been effected by despatching strong detachments to thoroughly ravage the country, destroy all opposing forces, and render harmless the frontier cities ofvBabylonia which sided with Sin-shar-ishkun. Their object accomplished, the Median detachments could rejoin their main body, leaving to Nabopolassar the easy task of holding the devastated district \n subjection. When the Medes, afteV reducing Assyria, proceeded to dispos- sess their Scythian neighbors and to extend their dominions in Asia Minor, Mesopotamia was Jeft to Nabopolassar and the wily Chaldean thus enjoyed the fruits of a vicarious victory. N ineveh was now cut off from outside aid, biit behind her strong fortifica- 16 Johnston, The Fall of Nineveh. [1901. tions her garrison could still offer a stubborn resistance. When at length the Medes prevailed and the city fell, all was not yet lost. Kelach was little inferior to Nineveh in strength, and thither Sin-shar-ishkun fell back to make a new stand. But fate was against him. An unusual rise of the Tigris undermined the wall, and the city, now at the mercy of the besiegers, was sacked and burnt. According to tradition, the siege of Nineveh lasted for two years, and this, if it be taken to include the whole course of events down to the fall of Kelach, is doubtless correct. As the Median attack, according to data derived from cuneiform sources, began in the year 608, it was in 606 B. C. that the reign of Sin- shar-ishkun came to an end together with the last remnants of the monarchy he represented. Note on two Assyrian words hitherto unexplained. — By Christopher Johnston, Professor in Johns Hopkins Uni- versity, Baltimore, Md. (1) da'dlu. The word da'dlu is explained in none of the Assyrian diction- aries. Delitzsch (Handw., p. 215) defines it as 'a name of occupa- tion' (ein Berufsname); Meissner (Supplement, p. 30) as 'an official' (ein JBeamter); while Muss-Arnolt ( Concise Dictionary, p. 247) gives no definition at all. da'dlu, which occurs in five passages in Harper's Letters, seems to mean 'scout' or 'spy.' 1 In the letter K. 760 (=H. 424) Iskhur-Bel writes to the king (obv. 6-9) : ina muxxi t&mi sa m6i JJrartd am -da'dle assdpar ; itiXrH hi anni igtebftlni " I sent out scouts for information about Urartu. They have returned and report as follows." He then proceeds to quote the report of the da'dle, which contains pre- cisely the sort of information likely to be furnished to a military commander by his intelligence department. K. 645 (=H. 444) is a letter to the king from an official whose name is obliterated. He writes (rev. 3-9) : sa sarru belt ispurdni md am da'dle supur; ana II-su assdpar; issentile ittalkuni dibbe annate iqteb'Clni; issenilte udina Id dpuni, " My lord the king writes ' Send out scouts.' I have sent twice. Some have come in and make this report; others have not yet set forth." issewMe (i-si-wu-te) stands, of course, for istenute, the plural of isten 'one,' with the well known assimilation as in assdpar for astdpar, etc. (Del., Gram. § 5\\ 2), and this is the only passage known to me in which the form occurs. In the letter K. 1907 (=H. 148) Asur-recu'a writes to the king (obv. 3-4) in similar terms: sa sarru beli ispurdni md am da'dleka (da-a-a-li-ka) .... ^ Turuspd supur "My lord the king writes to me c Send your scouts to (?) Turuspa.' " The remainder is broken away. 1 [Cf . R. Campbell Thompson's review of R. F. Harper's Assyrian and Babylonian Letters in the American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, vol. xvii, No. 3 (April, 1901), p. 163, n. 1.— P. H.] vol. xxn. 2 18 G. Johnston, P 901 - In K. J 021 ( = H. 309) Bel-emurani writes (obv. 4-8): ina muxxi lisdrii sa sarru belt ispurdni assapra am. da? die. Udini Id illakuni; ina pdnSunu addgal, " In regard to my lord the king's message about the lisdnu, I have dispatched scouts. They have not yet come in. I am waiting for them." What lisdnu means here is not quite clear. In K. 80 (=H. 52), Nabu-nadin-sum writes that, in consequence of orders received, he went after takpirtu (whatever that may mean); that he set out from Nineveh and proceeded as far as the town of Sasiqani. The letter concludes (rev. 2-10) : tSmu ana ■ am .da , dle sa istu Nintfa issiia updni u ana am da , dle sa Kalxa assakansunu, muk: L tuhbald ina libbi &■ JTasappa tusdlikd, "I gave orders to the scouts that went with me from Nineveh and to those from Kelach. ' Bring along (what you find ?) to the town of Kasappa'" (cf. Del. Worterb., p. 472). As the meaning of takpirtu, upon which the whole context depends, is unknown (cf. Delitzsch's Handw., p. 348 a ), this passage is somewhat, ob- scure. It would seem, however, that the da'dle were dispatched in various directions with orders to search out and bring in cer- tain matters to a common rendezvous. In the first two passages cited it seems clear that the dandle were scouts or spies sent out to obtain information. In the three remaining passages, while the context is of too general a nature to be altogether decisive, the same meaning suits very well. This is further borne out by the nisbeh form in IV R 50, 3 a , where the witch is termed dd'dlitu™ sa blrUi, xd'dtUu™ sa rebdti, "She who goes spying through the streets and prying through the market places." The verb ddlu, from which dd'dlu is derived, means ' to be in motion, to go about, go around,' and, as pointed out by Talquist (Spr. der Gontr. NabunaHds), is to be compared to Syr. 7*1 > Ar. Jlt> djLoJf Jli>, etc.) which have about the same meaning. Dullu (i. e. dtilu) ' occupation, work,' is properly the inf. piel of the same stem (Talquist, o. c, p. 64 ; Meissner-Rost, Bauinschr. Sanh., p. 10*7, n. 21). It is also to be noted that, in V R. 29, 34. 35g, dd'dkc occurs as a synonym of dalpu, a deriva- tive of daldpu 'to march, go' (Ar. 1 — ftJt>). As regards the devel- opment of meaning therefore, dd'dlu presents a close analogy to 8 Cf. Delitzsch, Assyr. LesestiXclce 4 , p 173 b . Vol. xxii.] Two Assyrian Words Hith^-to Unexplained. 19 Heb. D ,l 7nQ ' scouts, spies,' the piel participle of the denomina- tive verb *7in ' to go about.' (2) Hid. In Delitzsch's Handwdrterbuch (p. 33) this word is tentatively- compared to Heb. i^Mt and defined as meaning 'perhaps,' an interrogation point being placed after both etymology and defi- nition. Delitzsch's Worterbuch (p. 225), his Assyrian Grammar (§ 82), and Muss-Arnolt's Concise Dictionary (p. 40) contain the same explanation, as does also Delitzsch's note in Beitrdge zur Assyriologie, vol. ii, p. 40. •did occurs quite frequently in the letter texts and means 'or, or else' (^ + jl). In K. 1242 (=H. 50) the priest Aggullanu writes to the king in reference to sacrifices to be offered, and says (rev. 8-11) : allaha azzaza ina pdn niqS, Hid annaka andku. Minu sa sarru iqab-uni sarru Mli iqdbi'u, "Shall I go and be present at the sacrifices or (shall) I (remain) here. Let the king my lord say what he thinks (best)." The letter K. 650 (=H. 128) is from Mannu-ki-Ninua to the king. In the reverse (6-10) he writes : summa nisS ussebila, ina muxxi sarri belta itsSbaldsunic, 'did mini sitini ana sarri beltfa asdpara, "If he sends these people, I will forward them to my lord the king, or else I will send the king full particulars (regard- ing them)." In K. 653 (=H. 154) Zer-ibnl, indignant at the aspersions of a certain Marduk-erba, writes to the king (obv. 6-11): Summa Mar- duk-erba siparra parzilli assdkan, siparri parzilli-su lipturii ina SepS'a liskunH; Hid sa ana sarri beliia islHni lisdnsu istu xarurtisu lisduddni, "If I have put 'Marduk-erba in fetters, let them take off his fetters and put them upon my feet; or else let them tear from his throat his tongue which has thus lied to my lord the king." The meaning of siparru would seem to be clear from the context. The word is doubtless to be derived from the same stem with saparru 'net,' suptf.ru 'enclosure' (Del. Handw., p. 509). Harper restores li-\is\-tu-ru in line 8, but the context seems to demand li-[ip]-tu-ru. K. 619 ( = H. 174) is a letter from Marduk-sarra-ucur to the king. The writer reports that Aspabari, king of Ellip, has had a dispute with certain individuals and tells them (obv. 13-16): ikkanti; aldnikunn pegd. summa qardba tuppas, epsd; Hid ramrnVa, "It is all settled; your cities are taken away. If you 20 Johnston, Two Unexplained Assyrian Words. [1901. want to make war, do so; or else let it alone." I have already- treated this passage in vol. xx of this Journal. In the letter 83-1-18, 41 (=H. 375) Nabu-sum-iddina writes to the king about horses. In the reverse (2-12) he says: sisS .... sa itmu anni'u ina pdn sarri beliia irrabUni izzazu 1 ina libbi eJcal maxirti, uld Uptf. sarru belu ttmu liskun summa dpti summa lizzizu, "Are the horses whicli come to the king to-day to stay in the outer palace, or do they go on ? Let my lord the king give orders as to whether they are to go or to remain." This example is especially clear as did occurs here in parallelism with summa, 'if, whethex-.' Other passages might be cited but these will probably suffice. tfld may' be explained as a compound of ■& 'or' and Id 'not.' In Num. 22, 33 ^)H , which is a compound of IK and X 1 ? , means (like Hid) 'and if not'; it is unnecessary to read ♦"?!)'? (LXX, «)m» ost#? nmnx nitf?* oh ^r?? ^ot* ' Jhvh gives wisdom, out of His mouth come knowledge and discernment, He has in store TVVFWS (help) for the upright, and protects the way of the pious. A shield to those who walk in integrity, He guards the path of equity." The rendering of [TtJMri hy 'help' appears to agree hest with the context, as has been recognized by Clement of Alexandria who translates it by porjdtux. In the same way it is rendered by the Targnm. The Septuagint has o-torrjpia, and the Vulgate salus, which is followed by most modern exegetes. With the same signification n'B'lD is used in Job 12, 16 : fl'ttftrn fy 1a#, "With Him is protection and help." Here H'B'in is generally rendered ' wisdom, knowledge,' and the like, — so the Targum, Vulgate, the Authorized Version, de Wette, Hirzel, Stickel, Vaihinger, Welte, Schlottmann, Matthes, Fiirst, Hitzig, Studer, Reuss, Volck, Dillmann, Siegfried-Stade, Hoff- mann, Budde, Baethgen, Gesenius-Buhl, and others. This view has been rightly rejected by Duhm, but his own rendering 'stability' (Bestand) is hardly more satisfactory. The Greek Bible has lo-xys, 'power,' the Revised Version 'effectual workiug.' But a description of God's omniscience and omnipotence has been given in the preceding verses, especially in v. 13. In verse 16, however,' Job introduces a new argument, in reply to the words of Zophar, ch. 11, 13 ff.: You tell me that there is hope of deliver- ance if I should turn to God in penitence ? that only for the wicked there is no escape ? Yes, Job replies in bitter irony, 1 Cf. Critical Notes on Proverbs, in The Polychrome Bible, p. 35, 1. 35. 8 So Kethib. ' So Qere\ 4 According to Professor Haupt we have here the emphatic particle *j. Cf . Johns Hopkins University Circulars, July, 1894, p. 107 f . ; Crit- ical Notes on Proverbs in SBOT., p. 52, 1. 11. 32 K. J. Grimm, [1901. njraMft nwnw lay " With Him is protection and help,— His are the deceived and the deceiver." i. e. they are all alike to him. Theodotion renders here aw W «i, and the Syriac version, U-^'os- n'trin is further met with in verse 29, of the didactic poem, Isa. 28, 23 ff. As ploughing, says the writer, does not go on all through the year, nor is everything threshed with the same force, so Jhvh varies His procedure according to circumstances, and according to the character of those with whom He deals. The ploughers and threshers, i. e. the Babylonians or Persians, will not be allowed to treat Israel as they have treated other nations. For Israel there is a future and a hope : p»w ' mrr nyo nxr-DJ T TT " " : Win ytn my x^fln " This also from Jhvh proceeds, Wonderful in council, great in help." This rendering, proposed as early as 1779 by J. D. Michaelis in his Deutsche Ubers. d. Alt. Test, mit Anmerk. f. Ungelehrte, 8, 1, p. 50, agrees much better with the context of the passage than the explanation of Hitzig, Delitzsch, Dillmann, Siegfried-Stade, Uuhm, Kautzsch, Kittel, Cheyne," and others : " Wonderful counsel, great wisdom has He." The parallelism is not synony- mous, but synthetic. Job 5, 12 n'tS^n is best rendered ' success.' So rightly Vaihinger, Hitzig, Studer, Reuss, Volck, Baethgen. Eliphaz advises Job to turn to God, and to commit his cause to Him, " Who frustrates the devices of the crafty, that their hands accomplish no success." He does not give them any assistance, so that their schemes mis- carry. 1 The Masoretic text adds niJOX • T 5 Hitzig, D. Proph. Jesaia, 1833, ad loc. ; Delitzsch, Jesaia, 1866, 3 d ed. 1879, ad loc. ; Dillmann, Jesaia, 1891, ad loc; Duhm, Jesaia, 1892 ad loc; Kautzsch, Alt. Test.; Dillmann-Kittel, Jesaia, 1898, ad loc: Cheyne, Isaiah, in The Polychrome Bible, 1898, p. 29. Vol. xxii.] The Word rW'tfl in the Olc{ Testament. 33 Success engenders power. This meaning may preferably be assumed for Prov. 8, 14 ; i8,l. Prov. 8, 14 we read : t : ■ t ■ -: t ■ t^' This verse is usually translated : " Mine is counsel and sound wisdom (iTLJHrOj I am understanding, I have strength." De- litzsch and Frankenberg render H'tJ'in by Forderung ; Toy, by ' skill.' ' But as TV£V ' counsel,' stands in parallelism to HJ'3 > 'understanding,' we expect the same relation to exist between JTtJ"lJn and iTTOJ i ' strength.' We should, therefore, translate : "With me is counsel and power, with me' understanding and strength." Similarly in Prov. 18, 1 where we read : ^ t - : ■ t ■ t: t : • I"-: t -: - : " One who separates himself seeks desire, he rages against all reason." This is the general rendering of the aphorism which is supposed to mean that one who holds himself aloof from friends or from society, follows his own selfishness, and opposes everything reasonable. But this observation, as Professor Toy rightly remarks in his commentary on the passage, does not accord with the tone of the Proverbs. We gain a better sense if, on the basis of the Septuagint, followed by the Vulgate, irpo(j>do-as t,rfrii avrjp jSouAo/tevos x and, he continues, " !TB>1fi is quite driven from me." Here ,TJf li"l stands in par- allelism to FT\ty, 'help.' In this sense the word has been under- stood by the Septuagint, which renders it by {SorjOeui ; the Peshita translates U-oios. 1 The interpretation of ("Wlfi by 'source of help ' appears to fit the context best. Finally we have a few passages where n'CJ^D apparently designates the object which serves as a support, on what you may rely, hence ' reliability.' Such seems to be the meaning of the word in Job 26, 3 : ry-N 1 ? #1-1? nyt^'in nb-N 1 ?'? rnuj-n© T ~ - T T ' t:t :t:^-t " How hast thou helped him that is without power, and supported the arm that is without strength. How hast thou counseled him that has no wisdom, and made known to him abundantly H'tfin (on what he can rely)." In the sense of 'reliability ' the word occurs in Prov. 3, 21. We must here transpose, with TJmbreit in his commentary on Proverbs (Heidelberg, 1826), the two clauses of the aphorism, and read : : ^#Q w'Pt ■?*< Hanoi ."W'ln niq 'jo "My son, observe iT&J'in (reliability) and discretion, let them not depart from thy sight." that is to say, Try to be circumspect and discreet ; keep on safe ground, do not engage in any wild schemes, neither act without a definite plan ; if you want to accomplish an object, observe the proper precautionary measures and devise ways and means for the carrying out of your project. The rendering of Frankenberg, "Observe welfare (Heil) and prudent reflection" is unintelligible. 1 To suppose, with Beer (Text d. Buches Hiob, ad loc.) and Budde (Job in the Nowack series), that the Greek and Syriac versions read nVIU'fl i * s not necessary. Vol. xxii.] The Word rW'lfl in the Old. Testament. 35 Similarly in Job II, 6 ("Win is best rendered by 'reliability.' Zopbar replies to Job's protest of innocence : rj&y vnst? nnsn -\y\ r\t>it two ti?m t : ■ - : * ■ t : t ■ ^: - J : •• - : " If God would only speak, and open His lips against thee, And reveal to thee the hidden depths of wisdom, D*"7flD *3 Then wouldst thou know that God overlooks yet part of thy guilt." What is the meaning of ft*W)Fb D'^flD »3 ? The interpreta- tions which have been proposed are all alike more or less artifi- cial. The Septuagint reads on 8t7rA.ous Zo-rai tS>v Kara ere, the Vulgate, ut ostenderet tibi secreta sapientiae et quod multiplex esset lex eius. The Targum and the Peshita, followed by many modern exegetes, render it by ' wisdom.' The Authorized Ver- sion has : "And that He would show thee the secrets of wisdom that they are double to that which is "—whatever this may mean. Ewald, de Wette, Hirzel, and others : "How doubly strong they are in insight." Merx : " for like miracles they are in being" (denn wie die Wunder sind sie in dem Wesen), reading D'K^fla instead of D ,l ?M , which emendation is adopted by Bickell, Dahm, and Baethgen. Bickell translates die wunderbar der Ein- sicht ; Duhm, Wunder an Vernunft ; Baethgen, Wunder der Vernunft. Georg Hoffmann renders : " to show thee that the secrets of His wisdom doubly surpass reason." But it seems best to regard the words, with Siegfried in The Polychrome Bible, as a marginal gloss which has crept into the text. It apparently is the note of an orthodox Jew indicating his agreement with Zophar s If God would speak, indeed, it would be a reliable ora- cle, a siru takiltu, 1 the term which Esarhaddon uses in reference to the encouraging oracle he received when about to march against his father's murderers. There remains but one passage for our discussion, vie., Mic. 6, 9. As the Masoretic text reads, JW'Vll lOp* Ttf? ("HiT "Tip 1 Syn. annu kenu ; cf. Zimmern, Beitrage zur Kentitnis der babylo- nisehen Religion (Leipzig, 1900), p. 88, n. 4 ; p. 89, no. 2. 36 K. J. Grimm, t 1901 - Tptif UN*?, it is void of proper sense. 1 The usual interpretation gives us the following: "The voice of Jhvh cries to the city, and wisdom regards Thy name." The Authorized Version renders: "The Lord's voice crieth unto the city, and the man of wisdom shall see thy name," and in the margin, "thy name shall see that which is." Hitzig, Wellhausen, and Nowack* emend iO^' 'His name,' instead of ^Q^' 'Thy name,' "it is wisdom to fear His name." Kautzsch, following Roorda," conjectures »N"\» DWrT) tyDU? IQB'i Heilsames vernehmen die, die seinen JVamen filrch- ten. But it seems better to follow the reading of the Septuagint, crdxra <£o0ou/i&oi« to Svopui airov = 1Q^ »K*V JW'i' • " He wil1 rescue those that fear His name." The words most probably are a later insertion 4 for the purpose of mitigating the threats of severe punishment which follow. A detailed investigation of all the passages where ( TJJ>in occurs thus reveals the fact that it signifies 'support,' then 'help, success, power, source of help, reliability.' This development of meaning is an exact parallel to that which we see in the Assyr- ian tukultu (from tahdlu), 'support, help, power, reliability.' As regards the etymology of JTtJ'iri, many scholars, including Ibn Ezra, Qamchi, Schultens, 6 Hirzel, Schlottmann, Merx, Wildeboer," Budde, Duhm, and Gesenius-Buhl, derive the word from a stem i~J£J" , and connect it with Hebrew Jf, 'existence,' and Assyrian is1l, 'to have.' But Hebrew &y* and Assyrian isti, go back to a stem with an initial idd originarium. 1 It seems most improbable that a noun ttisiidh, with H in the first syllable, could be derived from such a stem, especially as there are no other analogies. 1 Cf. on the text, Byssel, Textgestalt und Echtheit d. B. Micha, Leip- zig, 1887, pp. 101 ff. ! Cf. Hitzig, D. 12 Kleinen Proph., 4 th ed., 1881, ad'loc; Wellhausen, D. Kleinen Propheten, adloc; Nowack, D. Kleinen Proph., 1897, adloc. 3 Comment, in Vaticinium Michoz, 1869, ad loc. 4 This was recognized by Hartmann in his commentary on Micah, 1800. 5 Liber Jobi, 1737, ad Job 5, 12. 6 D. Spruche, 1897, ad Prov. 2. 7. Cf. also Toy, Proverbs, ad Prov. 2,7. 7 Cf. Haupt, Die sumerischen Familiengesetze (Leipzig, 1879) p. 21, n. 1. For the original identity of JJM and the nota accusativi J^J$, see Crit. Notes on Proverbs in The Polychrome Bible, p. 51, 1. 6. Vol. xxii.] The Word n»B«jfl in the Old, Testament. 37 Franz Delitzseh at first supposed ["Win to be a formation from the Hoph'al with the signification of ' reality ' ( WirkUchkeit) as opposed to 'mere appearance' (Mosser Schein), 1 but in his commentary on Proverbs, published in 18V3, p. 61 f., he rejects this view as unsatisfactory, and, following Fleischer, connects it with the Arabic ^*«t or t e**>\) ' to further.' ' In his commentary on Isaiah, 3 d ed., 1879, again, he presents as possible both a derivation from a Qal ntJH , ' subsistere,'' s and from the Hiph'il ntJ'in,' 'to enable,' which implies, however, a change of an 6 into an ■&. This change Delitzseh leaves unexplained. J. Barth in his JVominalbildung d. semit. Sprachen, 1889, § 189e, regards the word as a form taqtilat from fJJi" (= Assyr. iM). But, as stated above, nt£" = Assyr. isu is a verb with an initial i&d origi- narium, and even if it went back to a stem V'fi , it would still be hard to see how Barth's ttsiidh could become tAsiidh. In his Etymologische Studien, 1893, p. 66 f., he abandoned this idea, and practically revived the opinion of Hitzig, tracing jTB'in back to a stem frits' , which by transposition became fltl'l • This view was refuted as early as 1873 by Delitzseh in his commentary on Proverbs, I. s. c. Dillmann, ad Job 5, 12, and Frankenberg, Prov., p. 26, pronounce a non liquet as to the etymology of iTCin • So pessimistic a view, however, seems not to be justi- fied. J. D. Michaelis appears to have made a step in the right direction when in his Supplement, ad Lexiea Heb. Pars Quarta, Gott., 1787, pp. 1167 f., he rejects all relation of iTCIfi with t£", 'existence,' — although without giving a satisfactory reason — and points to Arabic /e^ or LJ , ' mederi. ,t The word is a form tuqtilat, as Olshausen, Stade, and Konig rightly maintain. 5 It seems to be connected etymologically with the Assyrian stem asu (a synonym of takdlu), in the Ninevite pronunciation, asil, 'to support, to help,' and its derivatives issu and usdtu, 'help,' asii, 'helper, physician,' asttu, 'pillar, support,' which, in the Ninevite pronunciation asitu," has passed into Hebrew where we 1 Cf. his commentary on Job, l 8 '.ed., 1864, ad 5, 12. 2 So also Nowack, Spriiehe Salomo's, 1883, ad 2, 7. 3 Cf. also Olshausen, Lehrb., 400 ; Konig, Lehrgeb., 2, 1, 193 b. 4 Cf. Critical Notes on Proverbs, in The Polychrome Bible, p. 35, 1. 22. a Cf. Olshausen, Lehrb., 400 ; Stade, Lehrb., 260, 262 ; Konig, Lehrg., ii, 1, 193 b. 6 Cf. Crit. Notes on Ezekiel, in The Polychrome Bible, p. 71, 1. 43 ; p. 82, I. 27. 38 Grimm, The Word iTKftfl in the 0lcl Testament. [1901. meet with it in Jer. e.o, 15, fWN = Talm. NiTtPN = Eastern Syriac l^i = Mand. N/WN = Arab. fcuJ, 'pillar." In this connection it is important to note that iTU'lfi occurs only in late writings, besides Is. 28, 29 (Exilic or post-Exilic), only in Proverbs and Job. In Mic. 6, 9 it is due, as has been shown above, to the corruption of the text. The stem, likewise, occurs in Syriac" «J»1, 'to heal,' U="J»i, 'help ;' it has passed into Arabic, where we have L«! or L*j , ' to cure,' (-**! or .— «*! , ' to help,' and is met with in the Ethiopic asdt ' medela, sanatio.' So we see that H'JJ'in means 'support,' then 'help, success, power, source of help, reliability,' all very slight modifications of the original meaning. The various renderings, such as ' subsist- ence, reality, essence, wisdom, knowledge, intelligence, happi- ness,' etc., proposed by commentators, are not warranted. Nor can the connection of iTBOfl with $* be maintained. The word must be considered v a form tuqtilat from a stem asd, 'to support, to help.' 1 Cf . Noldeke, Mand. Oram., §97, p. 113; Haupt, Beitr. z. assyr. Lautlehre, Nachr. d. Gott. Konigl. Ges. d. Wiss., Apr. 1883, p. 90, n. 4. 2 Cf . the Saphel ^aajs sausi ' to treat, to nurse ; ' Cf . Noldeke, Mand. Or., p. 147, n. 4 ; Syr. Gr.\ § 180, 2. 3 Cf. Frankel, Die aram. Fremdworter im Arab., 1886, p. 261. The Internal Passive in Semitic. — By Frank R. Blake, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. In the Semitic languages the passive may be expressed in several ways. Nearly all of these languages have a number of jeflexive stems that are used for the passive, just as many forms of the Greek middle are so employed ; e. g. Syriac % — &— "A IthqUil, Ethiopic taqatdla, Hebrew ^EQpJ niqt&l, all meaning ' he was killed.' In Biblical Aramaic we have a passive which has the same form as the passive participle ; cf. e. g. rD'iT iehivath 'she was given,' with **1'")D berikh 'blessed.' In Assyrian the various permansive forms have, in a majority of cases, a passive meaning; e. g. petl ' it is or was opened,' $abit ' it is or was cap- tured,' epuS ' it is made,' nidekumtZ ' they were heaped up,' suklul 'it is completed,' etc. But the passive formation which is most characteristically Semitic is the passive made by so-called internal vowel change; 1 e. g. Arabic J.XS qutila 'he was killed,' which, from a superficial point of view, may be regarded as derived from the active J^'iS qatala, by changing the first two a vowels of the active to u and i respectively. This so-called internal passive occurs in Arabic and Hebrew, and apparently also in Biblical Aramaic and Assyrian. In all these languages the forms have one feature in common, namely, they are all characterized by the presence of an u vowel in the first syllable. In Arabic the passive perfect of the simple stem has the form JjCS qutila, with u in the first syllable, and i between the second and third stem consonants. The imperfect is represented by the form J-aaj iuqtalu, which has likewise an u in the first syllable, but an a between the second and third stem consonants. Similar forms are made in. all the derived conjugations, e. g. : II. J^Ci" quttila, JJcSLj iuqattalu : IV". d>**t uqtila, d>*&! iuqtalu ; V. Jut&i" tuquttila, <)jj&i iutaqattalu, etc. 1 Cf. Steinthal-Misteli, Charakteristik der hauptsachlichsten Typen des Sprachbaus (Berlin, 1893) pp. 440, 461. 40 F. R. Blake, t 1901 " In Hebrew the internal passive is represented by the conjuga- tions Pual and Hophal, together with a few forms of certain rarer conjugations. The common characteristics of all these forms are the u vowel of the first syllable, and the a vowel between the second and third stem consonants ; e. g. : Pual ^£3p quttal, ^tSp* iequttal ; Hophal ^t2pH hdqtal, ^Dp* \(>qtal. In Biblical Aramaic the internal passive occurs only in the causative stem, being represented by a number of Hophal per- fects, e. g. : rinjn hdnhath, ' he was deposed ;' "DIPI htivadh, ' he was annihilated ;' etc' These forms are in all probability due to the influence of Hebrew, as no corresponding forms occur in any other Aramaic dialect." The passive stem PS'il, e. g. 2'H* i^v ' it was given,' is not to be regarded as belonging to the same category as the internal pas- sive formations in Arabic and Hebrew, 3 but is best considered simply as an inflected passive participle. 4 In Assyrian the permansive forms of the Piel and Shaphel, e. g. kussud and suksud, which have usually a passive meaning, 5 may, in a general way, be compared with the internal passive forma- tions in the languages just discussed. They appear, however, to be a specific Assyrian development, and are not to be regarded as the equivalents of the passive perfect forms of the intensive and causative stems in the cognate languages.' In the Tell-el-Amarna tablets there occur a certain number of passive forms such as iddanu 'it was given,' iusmH 'it was heard,' iuqbdu 'it is said,' tulqd 'it is taken,' etc., which correspond to the Arabic imperfect passive of the simple stem, e. g., i^.X*J iuqtalu, and the Hebrew imperfect Hophal, e. g., ^JOp' iogtal. According to Professor 1 For an enumeration of the forms, cf. Strack, Gram,, d. bibl. Ara- maischen, §24 passim. 2 So Luzzato, Gram, of the Biblical Chaldaic Language, §44; Kautzsch, Gram. d. Biblisch-Aramaischen, §§23. 1, Anm. zu No. 2; 34. 3 So Wright, Comparative Gram., p. 224, 3 a. , 4 So Kautzsch, § 29, 3 ; Marti, Kurzgef. Gram. d. biblisch-Arama- ischen Sprache, § 49, d. 5 Cf. Zimmern, Babylonische Busspsalmen (Leipzig, 1885), p. 11 ; McCurdy, Actes du SixiAme Congris International des Orientalistes, Part 2, Section 1 (Leyden, 1883), p. 515 ; Delitzsch, Assyrische Gram., p. 247 (English edition, p. 250). 6 Cf. however, L. Nix, Zur Erklarung d. semitischen Verbalformen, Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie (ZA.) vol. io, pp. 189 ff. Vol. xxii.] The Internal Passive in Semitic. 41 Knudtzon, however, these are not genuine Assyrian forms, but are due to Canaanite influence. 1 Such, in brief, is the aspect which the internal passive presents in the different Semitic languages: in Arabic and Hebrew we find it in a highly developed condition ; in Biblical Aramaic and Assyrian the few forms which clearly belong to this category are best regarded as due to foreign influence ; in Syriac and Ethiopic there is not a trace of the formation. Some grammarians believe that the internal passive existed in a highly developed form in parent Semitic ; they regard Arabic as closest to the original type, and think that this formation has been lost in those languages where it does not appear. 2 But it is more natural to suppose that the internal passive is a late forma- tion which was not developed to any extent except in Arabic and Hebrew (so Haupt), especially as Assyrian, which possesses at best only a few traces of such passive forms, presents a more archaic type than any other Semitic language. The peculiar vocalism of these internal passive forms has, so far as I know, never been satisfactorily explained. The vowels between the second and third stem consonants, are, of course, to be regarded as the same as the characteristic vowels which we have in the intransitive verb (so Haupt), but the u of the first syllable, which is the most prominent characteristic of the internal passive, still remains problematical. 3 It seems possible, however, to deter- mine the origin of this u, as I hope to show in the following. dis- cussion of the forms of the internal passive in Arabic and Hebrew. The Arabic passive forms of the simple stem, perfect qutila, imperfect iuqtalu, bear a strong resemblance to the intransitive verbal forms, perfect qatila, imperfect iaqtalu. In fact, the only difference lies in the vowel of the initial syllable, which is a in the intransitive, but u in the passive. 1 See Beitrage zur Assyriologie, 4, 410 and cf. The Tell el-Amarna Tablets in the British Museum (London, 1892), p. xiii ; Bezold, Oriental Diplomacy (London, 1893), p. 119 ; Gesenius-Kautzsch, § 2, f . 2 So Wright, Gomp. Gram., p. 222 ; Dillmann-Bezold, Oram. d. athiop- isehen Spraehe, p. 137. 3 Professor Haupt has suggested that in the form qutila we have, in some way, a combination of the characteristic vowels of the intran- sive forms qatila and qatula. 42 F. R. Blake, [19°1- In addition to this similarity of form, we find a great similarity of meaning. As Professor Reckendorf ' has pointed out, the mean- ing of the passive form is in many instances simply intransitive like that of the verbs/a'&7a, especially in the case of verbs denoting disease, e. g. ^**&. jus? a 'to be or become hard, tough;' ^j zuhiia 'to be proud, boastful;' >JLJi*-A musiqa ,'be graceful;' iJU~> humiqa 'have an eruption of the skin, small-pox[?] ;' ^j» ruHia 'have a complaint of the lungs,' etc., etc. Not infre- quently the passive and intransitive forms from the same root are identical in meaning; e. g. ^_*aj thuHba and tha'iba 'be relaxed, sluggish ;' ^JL) luqiha and laqiha ' be pregnant, conceive ;' Jjj nuzila and nazila 'suffer with catarrh;' *.-g-J nuhima and nahima 'be greedy,' etc., etc. Such a striking likeness, both in form and meaning, suggests that the internal passive may be nothing but a subsequent differ- entiation of the intransitive form, and this is borne out by a care- ful study of the formation of the imperfect. According to Professor Haupt, 2 the preformatives of the third person of the parent Semitic imperfect were originally simply the vowels u or i. These were, in all probability, pronouns of the third person used indiscriminately for the masculine or feminine, and are apparently identical with the final element of Hebrew JO!"! hH', X'H hi', Assyrian s-d,'si, and with the initial element of Ethiopic tigeM, ie'eti. In Arabic the i and u preformatives are modified by analogical influences to ia and iu ; in Hebrew the i appears as ii (pronounced i), the u, however, has no distinctly marked representative. 8 These preformatives i and u were differentiated at a very early period, i being adopted for the Qal and Niphal, u for the inten- sive and causative stems. For example, from Assyrian kasddu 'to conquer,' we have ik&sad and ikkasad (for inkasad), but 1 Syntaktische Verhdltnisse d. Arabischen (Leyden, 1895), § 25. 9 In a paper on The Vowels of the Preformatives of the Imperfect in Semitic, read before the American Oriental Society, at Cambridge, in 1899; cf. vol. 20 of this Journal, pp. 367, 370, No. 13. The paper will be published in one of the Johns Hopkins University Circulars for the cur- rent year (1901). 8 The preformative of the imperfect Piel i& presumably represents u or iu, but it might just as well stand for ja or ii. Vol. xxii.] The Internal Passive in fymitic. 43 ukassad and vSaksad. The u preformative of the simple stem, 1 however, seems to have been preserved in the Hebrew form ^V iukal* which is not passive but the regular imperfect of the intransitive verb ^3' iakol 'to be able,' whose first consonant is ♦ representing original \ The verbs primae ^ in Arabic have imperfects passive of exactly the same form as "?5V> e - g- *^|jtJ iuladu 'he will be born;' tX^-jJ iujadu 'it will be found ;' etc. These formations differ from the imperfect passive of the strong verb, as e. g. J»£ib iuqtalu, only in the fact that their initial ^ quiesces and lengthens the preceding short u ; consequently ^OV vukal and iuqtalu may be regarded as representing essentially the same verbal form. 3 ' In certain Arabic dialects the M-preformative was used in imperfect forms with characteristic u, e. g. nu'budu for na'budu ; cf. Wright-de Goeje, i, § 94, c, B. The by-form with u was here preserved under the influence of the following it-vowel, just as the by-form hi instead of hu is preserved in cases like biiadihi under the influence of the preceding i-vowel. 2 This form has usually been explained in one of two ways : (1) It is regarded as an imperfect Qal from an original form iaujcal, which was contracted to j'dfcaZ, and then modified to itikal ; so Bickell, Outlines of Heb. Gram., p. 38; Stade, §486; Konig, Lehrgebaude, II, p. 407 ; II, 1, p. 484, top ; Gesenius-Kautzsch, § 69, v. But in the 3 m. s. imperf . Qal, except in the case of verbs primae gutturalis, we should expect a pre- formative fi, which would probably have yielded *iikal «*j'i^fcaZ), the 1 being first changed to ' under the influence of the preceding i, and then quiescing in it : cf. Arabic ^vufcJt for j'juJf *■ Moreover, the change from yfikal to idkal is not satisfactorily explained. (2) It is regarded as an imperfect Hophal like ^2V ' he was led,' meaning ' he was ren- dered able or capable.' So Olshausen, p. 586 ; Ewald, Ausfuhrl. Lehrb., p. 336, b; A. Miiller, Schulgram., p. 95, s. No form either of the per- fect Hophal or of the Hiphil, however, is made from this root. The proper name i 73 ! |i"p ^ eIw 37> "> which occurs also in Jer. 38, 1, in the form 'j^!)* has sometimes been cited as showing that ^JV belongs to the Hophal. In all probability, however, the first part of *^3V * s * ne divine name fp or "Iff* i cf ■ Bottcher, § 475, /. The form ^")» occurs also in Biblical Aramaic alongside of the more usual form 'j J* . Here, however, it is best regarded as a Hebraism ; cf. Kautzsch, Bibl.^Aram. Or., p. 68. 3 The form ^JV * s certainly not identical with the Assyrian present of the verb primae . like ussab ' I sit,' urrad ' I descend ;' impt. tisib, 44 F. B. Blake, f 1901 - The Arabic imperfect passive of the simple form, therefore, may be looked upon as an intransitive imperfect with character- istic a between the second and third stem consonants, and with u preformative ; that is to say, it differs from the ordinary intran- sitive imperfect iaqtalu only in that the preformative has an u instead of an a vowel. In the intransitive verbs of the form qatila, then, the imper- fects with both * and u preformatives were preserved, the forms with u preformative being more or less exclusively used in a pas- sive sense, thus presenting an example of the general linguistic principle of the arbitrary differentiation or adaptation of coexist- ing byforms for special purposes. Now as there existed side by side the intransitive forms qatila and iaqtalu with a in the first syllable, corresponding as perfect and imperfect, and the passive imperfect iuqtalu with u vowel in the first syllable, by a perfectly natural proportional analogy the perfect qutila was formed, as follows : iaqtalu : qatila : : iuqtalu : qutila. Such a derivation of the form qutila, moreover, is in accordance with one of the fundamental principles of Compara- tive Semitic Grammar, which was stated by Professor Haupt as early as 1878, 1 namely that the perfect is in a great many cases a secondary form, later than, and often influenced by the imper- fect." The Arabic internal passive is not confined to the simple form, but is made, as we have seen, from all the principal verbal stems, e. g. II J>JC9 quttila, J^CJL; iuqattalu; X JjifU*J ustuqtila, JjJUa«j iustaqtalu ; etc. These forms, however, are best regarded as based on the analogy of the passive of the simple stem. The passives of the verbs primse infirmse, e. g. Ai" and J«i" are to be compared with the Hebrew passive participles like □*&}> sim 'placed,' and 'DO mill 'circumcised,' and indirectly with the Arabic passive participial forms like JjJw maqM ' called ' and /•$»** masir ' traveled,' where the initial syllable ma appears to be secondary, due to the analogy of the participles of the derived forms (so Haupt). Such a comparison is perfectly natural, as instances in which participial and finite verbal forms are identical are by no mean s rare in Semitic ; cf., e. g., the Hebrew participles and verbal adjectives 122 kavedh ' heavy ' and |t3p qaton ' small,' with the intransitive verbs kavedh 'he was heavy,' qaton 'he was small ;' 3 1 Other examples of the same form are .^ j«J& htiba ' he was regarded with awe, veneration,' J^ s&la ' he was asked.' 2 Comp. Oram., p. 244. 3 In the verbs mediae infirmae the participle and the 3 s. m. perf . are identical even when the verb has the transitive form ; we have not only J"lJ3 meth, \£J2 bos, but also QH gam as participle and perfect : so Barth, Nominalbilduny, p. 273, fn. 1; cf. however, Gesenius-Kautzsch, § 72, g. The participle and 3 s. m. perf. Niphal of verbs of this class are also identical in form, e. g. cf. JHDJ nas6gh, perfect, with fQJ navdn, participle. Moreover, the participle and 3 s. m. perf. Niphal of the strong verb, e. g. ^JOpJ niqtal and ^^pj niqtal, are to be regarded as representing the same form, since the original short a of a final syllable is lengthened under the influence of the accent in nominal forms, but preserved short in the forms of the verb ; cf., for example, "13T davar ' word' with J"lf7 hardgh 'he killed,' which both go back to the ground-form q&t&l. There is also a small number of participles 46 F. B. Blake, £ 1901 - Arabic &- yifarihu n 'glad' and (j*£»& sakusiC 1 'stubborn' with fariha ' he was glad,' sakusa ' he was stubborn.' In Biblical Ara- maic, indeed, inflected passive participles are used for the passive perfect, just as we have supposed in the case of qila and qdla ; cf., for example, "VOJI gemir 'completed,' fj'pf ze-qif 'raised,' with rO'iT iZhivath 'it was given,' "QW iehivfl, 'they were given,' etc. 1 Moreover, in the verbs mediae infirmae, the form Qity stm (= Hebrew sirri) corresponding exactly in form to Arabic Jjta qila, is used both as passive participle and as finite passive. The passive perfect of the verbs mediae infirmae, therefore, is of an entirely different type from that of the strong verb. In the latter, the perfect is formed on the basis of an intransitive imper- fect with u preformative, while in the verbs mediae infirmae, an inflected passive participial form is employed for the perfect. 2 It has already been shown in the discussion of the strong verb, that the passive and intransitive forms are closely related. A sim- ilar connection appears in the case of verbs mediae infirmae. The first and second persons perfect of the intransitive verb ol—». xdfa ' he feared,' are xiftu, xifta, etc., usually explained as con- tracted from *xauiftu, *xauifCa, etc. 3 But the first and second persons of the passive perfect have the same form, e. g. qiltu ' I was called,' qilta, etc. It is not improbable that the two series of forms are identical, and that the third person singular perfect of the intransitive verbs was originally the same as the corre- sponding form of the passive, viz. J.*i" qila, or rather the pre- triconsonantal type qila, with short I, i. e. a form like fl)3 - 4 The of the passive Qal which hear the same relation to the 3 s. m. of the corresponding perfects; e. g., pip 1 ? luqqah 'taken,' etc., cf. Gesenius- Kautzsch, § 52, s. 1 Cf. also Noldeke, Syr. Gr.\ § 64, and Crit. Notes on Proverbs, in The Polychrome Bible, p. 35, 1. 15. 2 In Biblical Aramaic, as we have seen, this type of passive is made also in the strong verb ; we have not only Q*{£? sim, but also forms like 3 So Wright, Comp. Oram.., p. 245. 4 This is the only certain instance in the verb in Hebrew. In the noun, however, the examples of this form are more numerous, e. g. *1J ger ' stranger,' p ken ' righteous,' -|f zedh ' haughty,' 'fy leg 'mocker,' "Ij; 'edh ' witness.' In several of the forms quoted by Noldeke, Syr. Oram,.*, §98 C, the e was originally an d; for instance, kef a 'stone,' Assyr. kdpu ; cf . ibid. , § 97. Vol. xxii.] The Internal Passive in Semitic. 47 # form with long t is found in Assyrian mit, ' he died,' Syriac k*io mith. For this form, identical with the perfect passive Joui qila, perfects like v_jl&. xdfa 'he feared,' v^>Lo mdta 'he died,' made on the analogy of transitive forms like Jli" qdla ' he said,' have been substituted. In Arabic, therefore, the evidence is strongly in favor of the theory that the internal passive is simply a differentiation from the intransitive form, the imperfect with u preformative being the germ of the formation. The same theory is supported by the evidence of the forms in Hebrew. Here the principal passive forms are the so-called Pual and Hophal, e. g., Pual : ^Ep quttal, ^p* i&quttal; Hophal : bfaptl hdqtal, ^JOp' idqtal. It has been recognized for many years, however, that a considerable number of Pual perfects and Hophal imperfects are really passives of Qal, 1 so we may assume that Hebrew formerly possessed the following passive formations from the simple stem, viz., perfect qutal, without doubling of the second stem consonant, and imperfect iuqtal. The imperfect is here as in Arabic to be regarded as the nucleus , of the passive formations. It was originally, like the Arabic form, an intransitive imperfect with u preformative, as for exam- ple *7DV vdkal, 'he will be able.' On the basis of this imperfect, a perfect qutal with u in the first syllable was made, the vowel of the second syllable, however, being a, the same as that of the imperfect, and not i as in Arabic qutila. It is not impossible, however, that the vowel of the second syllable was originally i, which was changed to a under the influence of the imperfect. The passive formations with u in the first syllable and charac- teristic intransitive a vowel, were then extended to the derived conjugations Piel and Hiphil, giving the Pual and Hophal. Scattered instances of rarer passive conjugations also occur ; for example, ^OK umlal 'it withered;' V?^ 1 ?^ kdlkelfl, ' they were nourished;' "npflj"|i7 MthpdqMhH, 'they were counted'; etc. Besides the internal passive of Qal, there is another stem, the Niphal, originally reflexive, which has come to be used as the regular passive of Qal. This fact has in all probability prevented any extensive growth of the internal passive of the simple stem, and the forms which had already been developed came to be 1 Cf . Gesenius-Kautzsch, §§ 52, e ; 53. u. See also Hebraica, 3, 39. 48 Blake, The Internal Passive in Semitic. [1901. regarded at a later period as belonging to the passives of the derived conjugations, the perfect being assimilated to the Pual, from which it differed only in the doubling of the middle radical, the imperfect to the Hophal, with which it was identical, just as the Arabic imperfect passive forms of the simple and causative stems are identical, both being represented by the form iuqtalu. The doubling of the second stem consonant in the perfect pas- sive forms of Qal is probably only an orthographic device of the Masorites to preserve the short vowel in an open syllable, just as in HJlCpp, from |fe}j5 small; TVSTR > from DTK red; D'S~#, from D~iy ; naked; rfoffl_, from "7^ , round; HJlDp * from tOH small; D'^Oil , from "^QJ camel, etc., etc. t |t ■ - : t t The Semitic internal passive, therefore, may be regarded as having its origin in an intransitive imperfect of the simple form with u preformative, a form such as, for example, the Hebrew ^DT vOJcal ' he will be able.' The passive value which is appar- ently inherent in the u vowel of the initial syllable, and the a vowel between the second and third stem consonants, is simply due to the presence of these vowels in these same positions in this intransitive imperfect form. On the basis of this imperfect, a perfect form was made, having like the imperfect an u in the initial syllable; in Arabic, the form qutila, with i in the second syllable, due to the- influence of the intransitive perfects like ^ *i fariha ' to rejoice ;' in Hebrew, the form qutal, which has either retained the charac- teristic a vowel of the intransitive imperfect or changed the i of qutila to a on the analogy of this imperfect, or possibly of the active forms. The passive thus established in the simple form was extended by analogy to the derived conjugations. In Arabic the internal passive of the simple form remains as such alongside of the pas- sive of the intensive, causative, etc.; in Hebrew,' however, the extensive use of the originally reflexive Niphal as the passive of Qal has prevented any extensive development of the internal formation in this stem, the forms which occur being misunder- stood and considered as belonging to the derived conjugations, the perfect, to the Piel, the imperfect, to the Hophal. The Word Hlf in the Siloam Inscription— By Frank E. Blake, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. The student of Hebrew is in a very unfavorable position with regard to his sources; much less favorable, in fact, than the student of that newly opened field of Semitic study, the cunei- form inscriptions. The Assyriologist has the great advantage of possessing throughout authentic and contemporary documents, while the Hebraist must content himself with late copies, written long after Hebrew ceased to be a living language. All the extant manuscripts of the Old Testament are late, the oldest, whose date is known with certainty, being the St. Peters- burg Codex of the Prophets, which is not earlier than 916 A. D. But during the last few years a manuscript which is appar- ently older has been discovered. This manuscript is now pre- served in the British Museum (Oriental, 4445). According to Dr. Ginsburg 1 it is at least half a century older than the St. Petersburg Codex; he says : — Though not dated, the consonantal text with the vowel-points and accents was probably written about A. D. 820-850. The Massorah has been added about a century later by a Massoretic annotator who revised the text. The Massorah, which is here exhibited in its oldest form, fre- quently uses a terminology different from that employed in MSS. of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. There are a few legends on seal-stones and coins which date from an earlier period, and there is an inscription in a dialect that is almost Hebrew, the celebrated Moabite stone, recounting the exploits of Mesha, the king of Moab at the time of Ahab of Israel (B. C. 876-854). In the Siloam Inscription, however, we have, for the first time, an authentic contemporary Hebrew record. This inscription was discovered at Jerusalem in June, 1880, in the subterranean tunnel through which the waters of the spring, 'JiJn Sitti Mary am, just outside the city, are conducted to the Pool of Siloam. It seems to have been written in the time of 1 Introduction to the Hebrew Bible (London, 1897), chap, xii, p. 469 ff. ; p. 475, cf. plate 1 of the Series of Fifteen Facsimiles of Manuscripts of the Hebrew Bible, with descriptions by C. D. Ginsburg, London, 1897. VOL. XXII. 4 50 F. B. Blake, t 1901 - Hezekiah of Judah (B. C. 720-699), thus antedating by more than fifteen centuries the earliest Hebrew manuscript. The inscription is very brief, consisting of six lines averaging about ten words each. It is written in the archaic Hebrew character, which is similar to the script of the Phoenician inscriptions, and which is preserved in a somewhat modified form in the Penta- teuchal Recension and Targum of the Samaritans, who seceded from the Jewish community in the time of Ezra and Nehemiab, about 430 B. C. The Siloam Inscription has attracted a great deal of attention, and has been repeatedly translated. In 1882, the director of the explorations undertaken under the auspices of the Deutsche Pal- dstina- Verein, Professor Guthe, succeeded in taking a plaster cast of this important monument. This cast has been often repro- duced and forms the basis of all subsequent copies of the text in books dealing with Biblical Antiquities. In Professor Kautzsch's edition of Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar, there is a drawing of the inscription from the skillful pen of the great epigraphist of Strassburg, Professor Julius Euting, and the late Professor Socin, of Leipzig, published, shortly before his death, an independent copy, designed especially for the use of academic classes. 1 The most recent contribution to the study of the Siloam Inscription has been given by Dr. Lidzbarski, of Kiel, in his Ephemeris fur Semitische Epigraphik, part 1 (Giessen, 1900), p. 53. He dis- cusses, however, only a few minor details, and does not throw much additional light on the subject. The labors of these and of numerous other scholars have ren- dered our understanding of the inscription almost perfect. There are a few problems, however, which still await solution, and these problems were discussed this year in the Oriental Seminary of the Johns Hopkins University, during the interpretation of this text. At the beginning of the inscription, the splitting of the rock has destroyed several letters which must have formed a word referring in some way to the next following, a feminine noun meaning tunnel or cutting through. Various restorations of this word have been suggested. Professor Sayce and others would read |H behold {the tunnel), but this meaning does not specially suit the context. Professor Guthe suggested flNf this (is the 1 A. Socin, Die Siloahinschrift, Freiburg i. B., 1899 (reprinted from ZDPV. 22, 61-64). Vol. xxii.] The Word Jnf in the Siloam inscription. 5 L tunnel); others, JlDfi finished is (the tunnel), and Q'3 in the day of (the cutting through).* All three of these words; however, require three letters, and according to Guthe there is only space for two. It is quite possible that, instead of the feminine fiOfi , we should simply read the masculine DJ"I , as it is not necessary in Semitic that a preceding verbal predicate should agree with its subject ; cf., for example, the Biblical fi^NO 'IT let there be luminaries? The second word of the inscription, HDpJ, is the word for tunnel. It does not occur in Biblical Hebrew, and has usually been read ("Dpi, or H2pJ , or HDW, following the Aramaic JOp\J - NDplJ, hole, and the Syriac U"*J , perforation. In post- Biblical Hebrew, however, the form fOlpJ perforation, aper- ture, is found, alongside of which we have the Aramaic NFD1DJ with a similar meaning. 3 We might, therefore, read HDpJ • The gap in the third line after fO'Q from the right (or south) is usually restored ^XOt^O from the left (or north). This is the most natural restoration, especially as it is favored by the remains of the characters which are still visible. But Lidzbarski 4 states that this restoration is impossible, as the letters of this word do not entirely fill the gap ; there is room for another char- acter (so, too, Socin, I. c). This difficulty, however, can be easily overcome by inserting the article, and reading ^NOt^fiS?! even though the preceding JO*Q is without article. We find the same construction in 2 Chron. 3, 17. The most difficult problem in the inscription is presented by the word mf , in line 3. This word has evidently the meaning fissure ; but it has not yet been successfully connected with any Semitic root. Considered with regard to its form, it might be derived from a stem Hf*', or "Tlf, Tit, from which last Professor Sayce derives the word, translating excess, whatever that may mean in this connection. But it is not possible to obtain the meaning fissure from any of these stems. 1 Cf. ZDMG. 36 (1882), 731. 2 See also Gesenius Kautzsch, Hebrew Grammar,™ § 145, o ; Kautzsch, Oram. d. Biblisch-Aramdischen, § 98, 2, a ; Wright-De Goeje, Arabic Gram.,* vol. 2, § 142 ; Dillmann, Athiopische Gram. 2 , § 195 (p. 442;. ' 3 Cf. Levy, Neuhebraisch.es u. clialdaisches Worterbuch, vol. 3, pp< 432 b ; 433 a. 4 Ephemeris fur semitisehe Epigraphik, vol. 1, part 1, p. 54. 52 F.B. Blake, t 1901 - It is strange that no one has yet called attention to the fact that the word might he derived from a stem mediae J, in which case we might read ziddah, for zindah. The stem "Uf does not occur in Hebrew ; but in Syriac and Arabic certain of its forms are found, the meanings of which seem to be related to the meaning fissure, which must be presup- posed for the word in question. The original meaning of the stem -jJJ seems to have been to be narrow, and from this signifi- cation the meanings of the corresponding Syriac and Arabic words can, for the most part, be readily derived. In Syriac this stem is represented by one verbal and one nomi- nal form. The Piel HI means first, to make empty, a meaning which is closely related to the original signification to be narrow. For instance, a water-skin might be said to be made narrow when it is emptied. The word also signifies to deprive, to cut off, which meanings are easily derivable from the first. The noun lr 3 l is the name given to a species of oversleeves worn by the priests of many of the Eastern churches, namely, of the Jacobite, Nestorian, and Armenian churches, and of some branches of the Roman Catholic church. These sleeves (Arabic (jttXi\ zanddni; see below, note 4) extend from, the wrist to a little below the elbow, and fit close to the arm, that is to say, they are rather tight or narrow. 1 In Arabic, the forms of this stem are more numerous. The intransitive verb tX3\ zanida means to be thirsty, i. e., to suffer, be in straits for loater. The second form tX3\ , corresponding to the Syriac Pael form HI, has the following meanings: — (1) to make or render narrow, scanty; (2) to fill a water-skin, i. e., to render it tight ; cf. our slang tight meaning full in a certain special sense : tight and narrow are closely connected in meaning, e. g. a shoe that is too narrow is also too tight ; moreover, in some 1 1 am indebted to the Rey. Father Oussani, of Bagdad, for the above information. The account of the li-M given in Payne Smith's The- saurus Syriaeus is not entirely clear or satisfactory. In the Compen- dious Syriac Dictionary edited by J. Payne Smith, part 1 (Oxford, 1896) we read under 'r— 5 1 : sleeves or maniples worn by Jacobite priests and still worn by the Christians of St. Thomas in Malabar. For the ety- mology see also below, p. 59, note 4. Vol. xxii.] Th e Word fj-ft in the Siloam inscription. 53 languages the same word is used in both meanings, e. g., German eng, Arabic (Jj^«o • — (3) to lie (mentiri), perhaps originally to Jill with lying speech; cf. our slang stuff. — (4) to make the fire-stick while i. yo corresponds to <^_)yo . 8 These two terms denote especially the carpel ends of the radius and ulna, respectively. The real name for radius is tXftL* , and el.i for ulna. Both h *»lo . 4 Professor Haupt, however, thinks that the two bones of the forearm are called [jljO. on account of the space or slit between them, and that li-M sleeves must be derived from this word ; cf . Ger. Armel from Arm, and Lat. manica (French manche) from manus, Greek x et Pk from %eip, Syr. \as glove = Heb. £"p hand', etc. 54 Blake, The Word Hit »» the Siloam Inscription. [1901. Assyrian translation of the Siloam Inscription was prepared dur- ing the past session, in the Oriental Seminary of the Johns Hop- kins University, it may perhaps not be out of place to append this translation here. Assyrian Translation of the Siloam Insoeiption. Suklul sipir pilsi-ma, ktdm epset pilsi : adi kallape aqqulldli- Sitnu useM isten mixrat isten-ma, adi saldsti arnmdti ana naplusi, ihnu qui Msi ana sdni, asm batqu ibsi ina kdpi istu iltdni u istu Mti-ma; ina -Ami sa pilsa usakliM kallape upallisu ana tarpi axd- mis, aqqullu mixrat aqqulli-ma, me HUM istu mug,i ana agammi lem sind me ammat-ma, me ammat ibsi melu sa kdpi eli resi sa kallape. For the Assyrian stem tt'^fl and its Hebrew equivalent D^O in Pss. 58, 3; 78, 50, see the Critical Notes on Proverbs in The Polychrome Bible, p. 39, 1. 5. The end of the first line of the Hebrew text of the Siloam Inscription must be restored as fol- lows :— riX DDVnn tVJn TIJD • In the second line we must read after HON E^C "ll^D * SDJirfp ■ Instead of ana agammi =r\'2~\'2'n ^N, in the fifth line of the inscription, we might also use ana mekalti; cf. D'SH "73'P 2 S. 17, 20 (contrast Lohr ad loc.) and Ethiopic me'qdl, pi. m&qdldt (e. g. Dillm., Ghrest. Aeth., p. 2, 1. J 4); the Ethiopic word, which was pronounced me'qdl, should be spelled with J< ; the stem is ^DX or ■73* to hold, cf. fry-ab ie>x onatw rh«a Jer. 2, 13. The following Assyrian word lem (= DN 1 ? ; c f- re $ u = ti'JO , penu = 7X5f > etc.) 1 corresponds to Heb. &foii ; cf. Delitzsch's Assyr. Besestucke 4 (Leipzig, 1900), p. 171, s. v. QN 1 ? and ibid., p. 32, 1. 1; see also ZA. 12, 318. For 1200 we might also say sind ner (vrjpo's); cf. Haupt, The Assyrian E-vowel, p. 9, 2. 1 See Haupt, Die sumerisehen Familiengesetze (Leipzig. 1879), p. 67, n. 1; The Assyrian E-vowel (Baltimore, 1887), p. 21. The Two Unidentified Geographical Names in the Moahite Stone.— By Eet. T. C. Foote, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. It is hardly necessary to dwell on the details of the discovery of the Moabite stone in 1868. The historical allusions and geo- graphical names which we find in this inscription of Mesha tally so well with the O. T. that a suspicion could be aroused as to the genuineness of the stone. 1 Almost all the geographical names have been identified with places mentioned in the O. T. Two names, however, have not yet been satisfactorily explained : j"|JJ> and rnilO (or Hint?). They are classified by Smend and Socin" under tribal names. Perhaps the true explanation of these names is to be found by taking them not as nomina propria but as appellativa, as was suggested in the Semitic Seminary of the Johns Hopkins University during the past year. The connection in which the names occur is as follows : The king of Israel had built the city of Ataroth, probably the place mentioned in Num. 32, 34 as built by the Gadites. King Mesha captured it and slew all the people ; afterwards repeopling it with the men of p5J* the men of jTHlQ (or PT\n&). As was the cus- tom with Assyrian kings when they captured or built a city and then peopled it with persons from another locality, so it appears that king Mesha, after destroying the inhabitants of Ataroth, peopled it again with men of pJJ>and men of mnD (or n"lll£J')- fits' plain is the name generally applied to the strip of low land on the Mediterranean coast stretching from Joppa to Csesarea. But in 1 Chr. 5, 16 it is applied, without the use of the article, to some locality in Gilead east of the Jordan. A compari- son of the Greek versions 8 shows that the word is uncertain and the place could hardly have been a city of any size. However, it is not necessary to take it as a proper name, but it may be regarded as an appellative referring to the plain which lies north of the ' Cf. Schlottmann, Die Siegessaule Mesa's (Halle, 1870), pp. 4 and 5. 8 Die Inschrift des Konigs Mesa von Moab (Freiburg i. B. , 1886), p. 33. 3 DniNViD" 1 ^ P"^ 'I2'"!'3P"^51 ; l:xx - Kal ™ VTa ™ ™pw"pa Xa/ti,iv eag ii-6dov, Alia «al hv naai role atpopiafiivoig Zapo/j. iirl rav dietjddav avrov. 56 T. C. Mote, r i90L tableland of Moab. This plateau of Moab is referred to in Deut. 3, 10; 4, 43; Josh. 13, 9, etc., as *YiJ£>'P , a portion of the inherit- ance of Reuben. The land of Moab lies east of the Dead Sea, being about 50 miles long by 30 wide. It is divided by the deep valley of the Arnon, now the Wady el-M6jib, north of which, on the high plateau, most of the cities of Moab lay. This region was known as "llty'p table land (in the A. V. plain country)—" the Sharon of Eastern Palestine (as Major-General Wilson says) 1 which extended beyond the river Arnon, through Moab to the moun- tain country of Edom. The whole district where not very rocky is covered with grass and affords excellent pasturage. It was in the rich upland pastures and extensive forests of Gilead and Bashan north of the Arnon that the tribes of Reuben and Gad and half the tribe of Manasseh took up their abode." With one exception Titt^D refers to the plain or table land east of the Jordan, apparently in contradistinction to the rocky soil and more broken ground on the west. But in 1 K. 20, 23-25 "lltJ^P seems to apply to the plain of Sharon west of the Jordan. These terms ?"j")JJ>' and ")1t5»p are not necessarily fixed localities but may be applied as appellatives, and hence the 7"ltJ>' J£?X of the inscription need not mean men of a place called Sharon, nor need it be taken as the name of some special tribe, but may simply denote the Men of the Plain, valley men in distinction from mountain or plateau men. Hence a nomen appellativum. If the objection be made to this explanation that one would expect 2a>y instead of W>H, as in pKH 2&J>V in Gen. 50, 11, or '3B" "11717 in Josh. 13, 6, it is sufficient to note that the dialect of Moab does not always conform to the Hebrew idiom. But in fact the identical use of £>*{< does occur in the O. T., e. g. Neh. 3, 22, 73017 'tWN men of the plain, Gen. 25, 21, TCW &»X man of the field. In the case of the other name, it is not entirely certain whether the first consonant is ty or Q, It was first read {J>, notably by Clermont-Ganneau. Later, Ginsburg read Q, thinking of Machserus ("11130 , "D2D), which is an impossible identification." 1 See the Bible Atlas, S.P.C.K. 1900, Tristram's Land of Moab, and Buhl, Geographie des Alten Paldstina. * Of. Diestel in Jahrbucher fur Deutsche Theologie 16, 234. Vol. xxii.] Two Unidentified Geographical Names. 57 Since Ginsburg, however, the character has usually been read ft. The difference between the & and JO in the script of the Moabite stone is practically only the additional down stroke of the ft . Now Dr. Lidzbarski, of Kiel, has recently published in part 1 of his Ephemeris filr semitisehe Epigraphik (Giessen, 1900) p. 6, the result of his examination of the reconstruction of the Moabite Stone in the Louvre, and also of the squeezes, and states that the plaster cast only runs as far as the place where the down stroke of the ft would be, if it were a ft. He gives it as his opinion, however, that it is a ft rather than a JJ>. The earlier reading of JJ> by/ Clermont Ganneau, adopted by Noldeke, is under the cir- cumstances equally possible. But it makes no difference whether we read JJ> or ft if the word is taken as an appellative. In the case of {Jf we should have rnrTjy fern, of "int5> morn- ing, Arabic' 'iy& suhre. The form PT\1~\W, it is to be noted, occurs in the next line of the inscription, in the phrase J£p30 mrjtJ' from the breaking of the morning. "We have then such an expression as DpP *JJ3 8° ns of the East i. e. the Bedouins of the desert. But if it be preferred to read rHPlS we have a word meaning front and hence the east, identical with Assyrian mixrat = Dip ■> so that JTinft tJ'N would again be the exact equivalent of 'J3 Dip Sons of the East, the Bedouins. The chief point is that the names are probably not nomina propria but appellativa, and the reading of the lines would then be : "1 settled in it (i. e. Ataroth) men of the plain and men of the east," i. e. Bedouins. The Old Testament Expression zandh ahre. — By Rev. T. C. Foote, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. The object of this investigation is to trace the historical development of the metaphorical use of zandh and to determine the Hebrew feeling for this word. There are over 25 instances of the metaphorical use of zandh and its derivatives. To trace the historical development in the use of this word, the various passages where it occurs must be considered in chronological order. The oldest document that can be traced in the literary analysis of the O. T. is J, i. e. the Judaic document, the oldest stratum of which could hardly have been written later than 850 B. C, or about the time of Jehoshaphat of Judah (B. C. 873-84). This may be called the terminus ad quern, but the terminus a quo can only be fixed with certainty by the date of the event or person written about. There are considerations, such as the circum- stantiality of a narrative, its vividness, or the contrary, that enable a critic to judge whether a narrative is contemporaneous with the event described or later. Canon Driver thinks that one cannot with probability ascribe literary activity to the period preceding the monarchy, or about 1000 B. C. But the fact that the Hebrews adopted the language of the Canaanites, in all proba- bility about the time of the Tell el-Amarna tablets, 1400 B. C, shows at least the possibility of a literature antedating the Monarchy. The fact that the earliest documents of the O. T. belong to the golden age of Hebrew literature is not without significance in this connection. The other old document is E, i. e. the Ephraimitic narrative, and is, perhaps, a hundred years later than J, as regards its writing. Both these documents have also various strata. That J and E are combined in the Hexa- teuch, does not affect their age inasmuch as the extracts are taken in their original form. The editorial comments are, as a rule, easily distinguishable, and belong to the time of Deuteron- omy, about 630 B. C. The dates of the prophecies, when authen- tic, are the most accurate that can be assigned to any passage. The Priests' code, the earliest stratum of which is the Law of Vol. xxii.] Mote, The Old Testament Expression, etc. 59 Holiness (Lev. 16-26), forms the skeleton of the Hexateuch and is assigned to the first half of the 6 th century B. C, though the use of tradition in its composition is probably large. About two centuries later than the Priests' code, perhaps 332 B. C, the books of Chronicles were written, at a time when Hebrew was no longer commonly understood. , The passages containing the word under consideration range from J to Chronicles. The earliest reference is Ex. 34, 15-16. Jahveh forbids Moses to have anything to do with the Canaanites " lest you make a covenant with the inhabitants of the land, and they go a whoring after their gods, and do sacrifice unto their gods, and one call you, and you eat of his sacrifice and you take his daughters for your sons, and his daughters go a whoring after their gods and cause your sons to go a whoring after their gods." A similar passage occurs in Num. 25, 1. As to the age of these passages, it must be borne in mind that the writing down of an institution or law may be many years later than the time when it went into effect. The phrase in question is equivalent to worship, although it may have had a literal sense. The next time the phrase occurs is in Hosea 743 B. C, where, as has often been pointed out, the sad events in the prophet's own experience may have led him to regard idolatry as spiritual adultery. This idea is very plain in Hosea (743 B. C), Jeremiah (628 B. C), and Ezekiel (593 B. C.J, being indicated by an addi- tional phrase, such as OrTH^X flltHD from under their God or HUT *~\tHSD from after Jahveh or "VjY^X "jJfiQ from upon thy God. But almost contemporaneous with Hosea, perhaps 700 B. C, is a passage in Isaiah 23, 17,18 a, probably a later addition to the work of Isaiah, where zandh is used with no allusion to idolatry, but rather absorption in mercantile intercourse. " It shall come to pass at the end of 70 years that the Lord will visit Tyre and she shall return to her hire and go a whoring with all the king- doms of the world upon the face of the earth; and her merchan- dise and her hire shall be holiness to the Lord." Again in Is. 1, 21, zandh is used of connivance with thieves and murderers on the part of Jerusalem. The next passage has to do with the Ephod, Jud. 8, 27 b, " and all Israel went a whoring after it there," which editorial comment is to be referred to the time of Deut. (621 B. C). I have discussed the Ephod at some length in a special treatise and 60 T. C. Mote, t 1901 - have shown that it is not an idol. Most of the recent commen- tators, however, believe Gideon's ephod to have been an idol of some kind' ; but as that idea is largely drawn from this phrase, I will pass over it, merely stating that I believe it to have been what the later ephod was viz., a pouch containing the sacred lots ; and that this} passage is to be compared with Hosea 4, 12, where the spirit of whoredom seems to refer to the use of superstitious oracles. Jud. 8, 33 refers to the people going a whoring after Baalim. 2 Kings, 9, 22 alludes to the whoredoms of Jezebel. These pas- sages refer to idolatry, but there is no allusion to spiritual adul- tery, as in Hosea and Jeremiah. Nahum 3, 4 refers to the whoredoms of Nineveh the well favored harlot, the mistress of witchcrafts, that selleth nations through her whoredoms. Here the reference is to political intrigue, as in Ezek. 16, 26 and 23, 30, where the intrigues of Jerusalem with Egypt and Assyria are depicted under the figure of prostitution with a minuteness of detail that shocks our sense of decency. Ps. 73, 2*7 shows through its parallelism that the phrase indi- cates separation from God. " Lo, they that are far from Thee shall perish : Thou hast destroyed all them that go a whoring from Thee." In Jer. 3, 2, 9, Judah's political alliances are referred to, as well as idolatry. In Deut. 31, 16 we have the significant expression " to go a whoring after strange gods." If "to go a whoring" means idolatry, what is the need of any limitation ? Compare this with the expression in Jud. 2, 17, to go a whoring after other gods. Why other gods, unless it be to indicate that idolatry was meant ? The expression DHI7X DTfrN other gods is used 64 times, and it never follows any verb which could not be applied to God. Why does it not require that a good sense shall here be given to zandh? We find, e. g., the expression to " serve other gods,'' meaning other than the true God ; to sacrifice to other than the true God, etc., so to go a whoring after other gods means other 1 The view that Gideon's ephod was an agalma was advanced by Presi Moore in his Commentary on Judges and in vol. 2 of Cheyne- Black's Eney. Biblica, 1901. I am glad to be able to state that he has more recently abandoned this opinion. Vol. xxii.] The Old Testament Expression zandh ahri. 6 1 than the true God, and requires zandh to be used in bonam partem. Two passages occur in the Law of Holiness, Lev. 17, 7 and 20 5-6, where the allusion is to superstitious practices concerning the DTyt? SeHrtm, rendered by the AV. " devils," by the RV. "he-goats"; and reference is also made to running after a man who sacrificed to Molech, or to indulging in witchcraft and following wizards. Again, in Num. 14, 33 and 15, 39 from the Priests' code, the same idea of running after the mind and eyes, i. e. self-indulgence, fickleness and instability, is seen. The blue fringes were made that the Israelities might remember all the commands of Jahveh and do them, and not go about after their mind and eyes, after which they went a whoring. Then in Ps. 106, 39, which is post-Exilic, the same idea is seen of follow- ing their own will rather than God's will. " They were polluted with their works and went a whoring after their own inventions." It might be idolatry, or it might be superstition, or merely some fad or self-indulgences. Finally there are two passages in the late writings, 1 Chr. 5, 25 and 2 Chr. 21, 11, which are in the style of Hosea and Ezekiel, and were possibly drawn from them. We have seen then that the metaphorical sense of zandh was first applied to the worship of the heathen. We cannot doubt that it had some counterpart, at some time, in their heathenish rites. It was then taken iip by the prophet Hosea (743 B. C.) to teach the Israelites that idolatry was spiritual unfaithfulness. Even in Hosea, the application was probably partly literal, as may be seen from a comparison of the expression in Hos. 9, 1 : "Thou has loved hire upon all corn-floors" with several refer- ences in Frazer's Golden Bough. In this sense of spiritual un- faithfulness given to zandh, Hosea is followed by Jeremiah, but with a distinct widening of the application to include political alliances. This widening had already taken place in passages where there was no reference to unfaithfulness, as in Is. 23, 17, IS a, where the thought is mercantile alliances, and in Nahum, political alliances, and that, not between the chosen people and heathen,, but between heathen nations. This idea was then applied by Ezekiel to spiritual unfaithfulness in political alliances between Jerusalem and heathen nations, indicating a develop- ment of the Theocratic idea to which this charge of unfaithful- ness corresponds. The date of Ezekiel, the beginning of the 6'* 62 T. C. Foote, P^l. century B. C, is the time when the rise of the Theocratic idea is to be seen in the Deuteronomistic editors, the full development of which is found in the Priests' code. But in Ezekiel there is a still further widening of the use of zandh to include any aliena- tion of the mind from God — a ceasing to think wholly of Him, perhaps a spirit of worldliness or indulgence in secular pleasures. So in a Psalm of this period, the idea is merely separation. Finally in the later passages in the Law of H. and the Priests' code zandh is used of any fickle running after one thing or another. Evidently the English rendering " to go a whoring" is entirely inapplicable to more than the earliest passages. When used by Hos., Jer., and Ezek. and in 2 Ch. 5, 25, which passage seems to be in imitation of the prophets, the rendering " go astray aftei" or " run in faithlessness" as used in The Polychrome Bible, brings out the idea with accuracy. But what of the historical passages or those in which there is no idea of unfaithfulness? To render these accurately, not only the words of the writer must be understood, but the feeling of the writer for those words. Now, any word in English which would convey however remotely the original or literal significance of zandh, could only be used in a bad sense. But was this the case with the Hebrews? The fact that prophets like Jeremiah and Ezekiel would wish to use such elaborately and minutely developed metaphorical illus- trations shows that the feeling of the Hebrews for such a metaphor was free from any intrinsic shame. Hence we are pre- pared to find that a metaphorical use of zandh may contain no idea of inherent shame, representing only an intense devotion to, or absorption in anything, without implying condemnation if rightly directed. Thus in Deut. 23, 19 the hire of a harlot, HJir fjnN is stated to be an abomination unto the Lord — being taken literally ; also in Mic. 1, 1 the images in Samaria are called the 'hire of a harlot,' taken metaphorically but condemned as idolatry; while in Is. 23, 11 the hire of the harlot, using the same expression, is called HliT 1 ? &JHD "holiness to the Lord," being taken metaphorically, but of the gains of commerce carried on by a God-fearing people. One may compare in English the differ- ent ideas conveyed by the word " enthusiasm," or, in the English of the King James' Version, the use of the verb "to lust"— in Deut. 14, 2: " Boy, whatever thy soul lusteth after, eat before the Lord and rejoice," — with the frequent use of the verb to Vol xxii.] The Old Testament Expression zandh afire*. 63 indicate sin in the N. T. So in the Prayer Book we find the expression "sinful lusts." Then in Jud. 2, 17 occurs the expression " to go a whoring after other gods," which is paralleled in the next verse but one with the expression " to follow other gods." The significance of the expression " strange gods" and " other gods " has already been referred to, as if the use of zandh was not in itself a condemnation. In other passages already mentioned in Lev. and Num. the phrase indicates merely a running after anything, as we might speak of a temporary fad; an eager following of whatever caught the fancy or pleased the eyes, a self-indulgence; and so a fickleness and instability. The original meaning of zandh, like Assyrian zandnu, may be that of fulness and luxuriousness, 1 developing like the Latin luxuria or luxuries which in the Scholastic Latin of the Middle Ages has a sense akin to fornicatio. It may be noted that a number of verbs in Hebrew seemed to the Masorites too objection- able to be read, e. g. ^JtJV and were replaced by a *~lp but zandh is not one of them. We may conclude then that among the Hebrews the meta- phorical use of zandh did not convey any opprobrium, but always requires a context to determine its significance; and therefore, such a phrase as the AV. uses is not only offensive to our ears but fails to do justice to the Hebrew, which requires a word hav- ing a good sense, such as, e. g., to follow, run after, desire, etc. 1 Cf . Crit. Notes on Judges in The Polychrome Bible, p. 67, 1. 44. 2 The word ^JJJ? is not derived from this word, but must be con- nected with "1JJJJ darn and Assyr. sigriti 'ladies of the harem'; see T " Crit. Notes on Ezra-Neh. in The Polychrome Bible, p. 66, 1. 46 ; p. 67, 1. 11. Cf. Delitzsch, Assyr. Lesestuchs 4 , p. 187. Gideon's Water-lappers.—By Kev. Wm. B. McPheeson, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. The familiar story of Gideon's campaign against the Midianites —nomad Arabs of the Syro-Arabian Desert, southeast of Pales- tine — tells how this Manassite hero gathered a force of 32,000 men and led them to the Plain of Jezreel, where were encamped the oppressors of Israel. This force, however, was too great for Jhvh's purpose, and after sending home all the timid, which brought down the number to 10,000, He said to Gideon : "The people are still too many; lead them down to the water that I may separate them for thee there .... So he led the people down to the water ; and Jhvh said to Gideon : All those who lap water with their tongues, as a dog laps, thou shalt set by themselves; and all those who kneel down to drink, thou shalt set by themselves. And the- number of those who lapped, putting their hand to their mouth, amounted to three hundred ; all the rest of the people knelt down to drink. And Jhvh said to Gideon : By the three hundred men who lapped I will deliver you and will give Midi'an into your power; all the rest of the people shall return whence they came (Jud. 7, 1-7)- Although this incident is familiar to all readers of the Bible, the significance of the test does not seem to be quite clear ; cf . President Moore's remarks on this passage in The Polychrome Bible (New York, 1898). In his admirable commentary on Judges (New York, 1895), p. 202, Dr. Moore assumes that those whose drinking is compared to the lapping of a dog threw them- selves flat on the ground with their face to the water, and actually lapped with their tongue. In accordance with this idea he considers the expression OiTG *?N D1^ putting their hand to their mouth, in the middle of verse 6, to be a misplaced gloss, and transposes it to the end of the verse ; thus making it refer to those who knelt down to drink, because he thinks, to lap with the tongue, and to raise water to the mouth with the hand, are the two different ways of drinking which are here distinguished. This transposition was first suggested by the Dutch scholar A. van Doorninck in his contributions to the textual criticism of Vol. xxii.] McPherson, Gideon's Water-lappers. 65 Jud. 1-16. 1 Professor Budde, in his book on the composition and structure of Judges and Samuel, 2 suggested that the clause putting their hands to their mouth should be transferred to the end of verse 5 ; but in his commentary on Judges in Professor Marti's series (Freiburg i. B., 1897) he adopts the view of Dr. Moore, placing it at the end of verse 6. This explanation of the passage is also given by Stade in an article published in vol. 16 of his Zeitschrift (Giessen, 1896), where he says on p. 185: One category lap water with their tongues like dogs ; the others kneel and draw water. It is fur- ther adopted by Nowack in the latest commentary on Judges (Gottingen, 1900), in his Sandkommentar zum Alien Testament. The transposition of the clause putting their hands to their mouth, advocated by all these distinguished commentators, is based on the opinion that it is at variance with the expression with their tongue in the preceding verse; that men who lap like a dog cannot be said to lap putting their hand to their mouth ; but if any change is to be made, it would seem more natural, as was suggested during the interpretation of the passage in the Semitic Seminary of the Johns Hopkins University, to transpose the expression IJltJ^S with their tongue/ a human being can hardly lap water with his tongue ; the only way a man could imitate the lapping of a dog would be by using his hand instead of the tongue of the dog. An excellent illustration of this peculiar method of hasty drinking was cited by Stade in his article on the subject men- tioned above. He quotes from the Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Mcploration Fund (Oct. 1895), where Mr. A. Moody Stuart says : " One afternoon, in riding leisurely out of Funchal, in the Island of Madeira, there came towards the town a man in the light garb of a courier from the mountains running at the top of his speed; as he approached me, he stopped to quench his thirst at a fountain, in a way that at once suggested the lapping of Gideon's men, and I drew up my pony to observe his action more exactly ; but he was already away as on the wings of the wind, leaving me to wonder and admire. With one knee bent before him, and the other limb stretched behind in the same atti- tude as he ran and with his face upward toward heaven, he threw 1 Bijdrage tot de Tekslkritiek van Bichteren i-xvi, 1879. 2 Die Bueher Bichter und Samuel, ihre Quellen und ihr Aufbau (Gies- sen, 1890). vol. xxii. 5 66 W. B. McPherson, t 1901 - the water apparently with his fingers in a continuous stream through his open lips without bringing his hand nearer to his mouth than perhaps a foot and a half, and so satisfied his thirst in a few minutes. It is true, Stade thinks, this manner of drink- ing has not the " slightest resemblance to the lapping of a dog," but such a conclusion seems unwarranted. When a dog laps water he drinks hastily in contrast to the slow drinking of a horse or other animals that drink with their mouth in the water. This seemB to be exactly the point of resemblance between the hasty drinking of the courier and the lapping of a dog, thus mak- ing the expression those who lap water as a dog laps equivalent to those who drink hastily. This is the explanation given by Josephus in his Ant., V, 6, 3, who says, the distinctive feature of the drinking of those whose drinking is compared to the lapping of a dog, lay in the haste with which they drank; but he attributes this haste to fear of the enemy or to laziness. Keil, in his commentary on Judges (Leipzig, 1874), says the waterlappers are the most valiant and courageous of the war- riors, who, before a battle, do not take their time in kneeling down at a brook and drinking leisurely ; but standing, with their armor on, they draw some water with their hands to strengthen themselves for the fray, and then they rush against the enemy. But it is not necessary to suppose that they drank standing, or that they drew water with their hands and afterwards lapped it out of 1 their hands with their tongue like dogs. Dogs do not draw water with their forepaws, and lap it afterwards from their fore- paws. Bertheau in his commentary (Leipzig, 1883) says on this pas- sage, the 300 men do not take time to kneel down and drink with ease but draw water with their hands, standing probably in full armor, and then lap the water with their tongues like dogs. They are eager to fight and always ready for it, they do not give up their warlike attitude for a moment. They did not drink out of pitchers or out of their helmets, but standing, drawing the water out of their hands. In his note on Jud. J, 6, in The Polychrome Bible, Dr. Moore suggests that those who lapped like dogs were thus discovered to be rude, fierce men. 1 For this interpretation of DTD see Gesenius-Kautzsch S6 § 119, m footnote. Vol. xxii.J Gideon's Watev-lappe^s. 67 In all these comments the element of haste is recognized as the distinctive feature in the drinking of those who are said to lap, and this view of the case is borne out by the Arabic proverbial expression for a sudden, hasty war, a campaign like the lapping of a wolf (^_a5JJI kjjf jyb. ; see Mez's paper cited below). Even in English we have a suggestion of the element of haste in the Scotch idiom a lick of sugar, a lick of oatmeal, etc. With this is to be compared the German schlabbern or schlubbern, 'to lap as a dog in drinking,' and its English equivalents slabber, slobber, slubber, and slaver, 'to eat hastily or in a slovenly manner.' In contrast with those who lapped, i.e. drank hastily, are ItJ'tf "?3 iy\n&7 V3"D 7p JTID* those who bowed down on their knees to drink. But JfO does not mean simply to bow doion; it meant originally, as is quite clear in Arabic, to put the month into the water, to take up water from its place (in a spring, stream, well, or a vessel) with the mouth (au*j xJ^Laj lil *>lib'l £ jl & UJ! £ c S &*jayA ^^j- This specific meaning of ^"13 ' has been pointed out by Professor Mez, of Basle, in a note on Jud. 7, 5, 6 pub- lished in the current number of Stade's Zeitschrift. This method of drinking may, of course, be combined with a kneeling position ; in fact, among the rural population of certain parts of our country it is quite commonly done. I have often seen the negroes in our Southern States drink in just this manner. Coming to some spring or to the bank of some running stream, they throw themselves down on their knees, and stooping over, with part of the weight resting upon their hands, until they can thrust the mouth into the water, they take long, eager draughts until their thirst is fully satisfied. The hands are not used to dip up water and convey it to the mouth, but to support the body, so that the drinker can bring his mouth into contact with the water and yet be in no danger of falling over. In other instances where the nature of the ground makes it impracticable to use the hands to support the body, the drinker throws himself flat on the earth, and so brings his mouth down to the level of the water. That J^IO may have this latter meaning, to lie down fiat, is shown in Job 31, 10 : 1 In the same way ~\ m \> meant originally, like the corresponding 4V. to go down to the water (cf. Jud. 7, 5) and Assyr. kasadu ' to arrive ' (a denominative verb from kisadu 'shore') to land; of. Haupt in Schrader's KAT* 506, s. v. 68 W. B. McPherson, C 1901 - : pro* \\iny rxhy\ 'nm mx"? [nan Let my wife grind (do the lowest service) to another, And let others lie down upon her. The position assumed is immaterial : the person may kneel, or he may stretch himself flat on the ground ; the essential point is that he be able to reach the water with his mouth. It is possible that VOID *?# vpon his knees is a later scribal expansion; and, according to the familiar Hebrew idiom of expressing the main idea by the infinitive following the finite verb, we must translate rftPMh JTD "lCN, not who (bows down or rather) puts his mouth in the water to drink, but who drinks putting his mouth in the water. 1 This gives us the point of con- trast, and the test by which the men were divided : those who knelt down and drank leisurely like a horse, and those who drank hastily as a dog that laps. Similar tests by water are not wanting in Semitic literature: in the pseudepigraphic Book of The Rest of the Words ofBaruch, it is related that the prophet Jeremiah was directed to lead the Jewish exiles in Babylonia out to the Jordan to find out by the water of the Jordan who was to return to Jerusalem and who should remain in Babylon. 2 In the story of Bilqis, the Arabic name of the Queen of Sheba, one of her devices for proving the wisdom of Solomon was to send him a number of her followers, the men dressed as women, the women as men, to see if he could 1 So, too, IQN^ 13T he said speaking, i. e. orally, not in writing QfDlD3) ; see Crit. Notes on Numbers, in The Polychrome Bible, p. 53, n. 1. ! See Dillmann's Chrestomathia Aethiopica, p. 9, 1. 25; p. 121, 11. 9, 14. For Idrd&nds we would expect Efr&tes ;. but the author of the book is no doubt responsible for Jordan in this connection. See also J. Rendel Harris' edition of the Greek text of this Christian apocalypse (London, 1889) p. 57 (6, 23; cf. 8, 2, 4): bo/a/iaaeig 6i aiiroiig ck tov vdarog tov 'lopdavov ■ 6 pti) ukovuv tyavtpbg yevr/aeTat • tovto to GTjfieidv £(tti rqg [ley&^g a and 6, \ja and Jfe, is not maintained, and <>, \jb and k£> are pronounced as *>, ie and icj ; e. g. ,_ r AJ°i> ddhab instead of ^>Jbi> gold, &Sa.hfidde instead of joai siloer, and uy tdb instead of i— >jJ cloth; while in Egypt and Syria *£j, i>, ^jo and Jb are always pronounced respectively as s, z, and %: zdhab,fizze, sdb. (2) a*- is pronounced j, not g as in Egypt, e. g. J^a_s» jebel 'mountain,' j>.4S>-jemel 'camel.' (3) \ is pronounced as a guttural r = gh=^, both by the Christians and Jews, e. g. £*& , x*^.* , (jU* instead of /-*y 1 While the modern Arabic dialects of Egypt, Barbary, Tunis, Morocco, Arabia, Syria, and Damascus have been carefully studied and discussed by scholars like Spitta, Berggrem, Wahrmund, Cameron, Hartmann, Vollers, Pizzi, Nallino, Caussin de Perceval, Monseigneur Clemens T. David, Syrian Archbishop of Damascus, Huart, Socin, Meakin, Winckler (J. L. W.), Probst, Spiro, and Stumme, that of Bagh- dad seems to have attracted but little attention. Newman, in his Handbook of Modern Arabic (London, 1866), makes some references to this dialect, but his remarks are vague, confused, and often incorrect. 92 G. Oussani, [1901. great, &. &.—& ten, jjl *\ pomegranate,' while the Arabs and Bedouins in and around Baghdad always pronounce the \ cor- rectly. 2 (4) In some cases \ and J are interchanged, e. g. Ingrizi for ^jA&>\ Englishman, qinpir for J»«flJJ> consul, and iltdbak for viLo\l £o 5e confused, and zangtl for -*-S^.-Jj , or better -;y-v_&- chain." (5) (i) is pronounced c, i. e. like the English ch in chain, e. g. (?a$ for ^kS'dog, didib for ~^>6Slie, ddbad for deliver.* (6) iji is pronounced as # in English game, e. g. Idglag for (J^-IaI s«or&, gd'ad for t\jii' fo s»£ down, gdm for *li' to re'se, etc. We find the same change in the Babylonian cuneiform inscrip- tions, where words like qaqqadu, ' head,' qdtu ' hand,' qaqqaru 'ground,' qardu 'strong,' appear as gagadu, gdtu, gagaru, and gardu. b (1) In some cases the ijj is pronounced «»» , i. e. English j' e. g. the proper name Jdsim for iv-Li', jddar for \iXS fate, jarib for v_*Jj-» near ; but o is never pronounced at Baghdad as hamza, as in Syria ; they never say , dlib for v_d-s heart, 'arib for >— *->v3 wear, 'aia for JLs he said.'' (8) (j« and ^o are often interchanged according to the well known rule of the Arabs : — ^jaamJI. oUiJL ^w^wJI o^**J^.I 131 1 Cf. Wright, Arabic Grammar, 3 d edition, vol. I, p. 6, n. *, where De Goeje states that e is sometimes replaced by s as in the Yemenite X, vi..< mudddr for cL->a_« , and often in MSS. See also Beitr. zur Assyriologie, 3, 569, 1. 4. 2 Cf . Franz Delitzsch, Physiologie und Musik in ihrer Bedeutung fur die Grammatik besonders die hebraische (Leipzig, 1868), p. 12. 3 According to Dr. Moritz, the Director of the Khedivial Library at Cairo, the name ^.j^v zenjirli is not derived from -xai* chain, but from / ^ysi«( castle; see Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli (Mittheilungen aus den Orientalischen Sammlungen, Konigl. Museun zu Berlin, Heft xi, Berlin, 1893), p. 61, n. 1. 4 Contrast Wetzstein, Sprachliches aus den Zeltlagern der syrischen Wurte (Leipzig, 1868), pp. 99 ft. 5 Cf. Haupt, ASKT. (Leipzig, 1881), p. 168 ff.; Delitzsch, Assyr. Gram, mar, § 43. 6 Contrast Wetzstein, 1. c. p. 100. 7 Cf. Edgar P. Allen, On the Semitic Emphatic Consonants in vol. 14 of this Journal, p. cxi. Vol. xxii.] The Arabic Dialect of Baghddd. 93 ui ^fr? ;^' ^^ «>l-flJ|j u^b uh^fj (J^Ij »^J[j Lgjt^-«o k^AJV.^*! (j!^ Lgj;.A^«, o«-a~w , i. e. wherever y« and o , jj« awe? is , (j« and £, j* araa" (jo come together, you are at libertg to pronounce either \ju or \jO , e. g. sJa^axi for 8 Ja**.* rwfer (for drawing straight lines) ioiLfl for iaJu« hefell^aJaM for aIi* poo/. 1 C C (9) Finally, owing to the great number of Turkish, Persian, and European words introduced into the Baghdad dialect, there are three new consonants which do not exist in classical Arabic, viz. ^ = 6,' i_j = p and d = g, e. g. Jys* Si> dhi'b ' wolf,' and J^b ia'kulu ' he eats.' The imperative has no prothetic N as in classical Arabic (J-*SI •dqtul) but is simply qtul, shrab for o^it ishrab ' drink,' as in Hebrew and Syriac. Final S is often dropped, e. g. paid, m&ra for S^-La paldtu n 'prayer,' and sL/ot imra , atu n 'woman.' In the form JLlxA/i and X-Laji J the s is often changed into ^5 (,Jjti* and Juuts), e. g. mddrasi, mdktabi, hasini, Tcarimi for SLuuvJuo mddrasat ' school,' *_x_a_£_xi mdktabat 'library,' &U*«fc&. hasinat 'beautiful,' 'i+*S karimat 'generous;' in other words, however, of the same type the final a is preserved, e. g. x «*f fl * matba'a 'printing office,'. By*** maqbara 'cemetery,' 8. h »»> * mas- cara 'ruler' (for drawing straight lines). The S in the verbal suffix of the 3 pers. sing, and plur. masc. and fern, is elided, and for nXxS qdtalahu 'he has killed him,' LjJjii' qdtalahd 'he has killed her,' i*-$-^" qdtalahum 'he has killed them, .^aJIxs qatalahunna 'he has killed them ' (fem.) we find qatdlu, qatdla, qatdlum and qatdlun* Other Consonantal Changes. In the nomen agentis of the verbs mediae « and ^ the hamza is changed into i, e. g. qdiim rndiit, for |wL» qoVim ' standing,' and 00L0 md'it, 'dying.' 3 The final hamza of the word *\jo water is also changed into ( : ^Juo mdi, as in Ethiopic mdi, pi. mdidt. 1 1 Cf. Noldeke, ,Styr. Qram.\ § 32. ! Cf . Heb. VDK for "IPI'DN ; Noldeke, Syr. Gr.\ § 38. 3 Cf. Haupt, Der Halbvocal u im Assyrischen in Zeitschrift fur Assyr- iologie, 2, 276. 4 In Hebrew Q'Q the * is due to epenthesis of the final i in the old plural form m&mi. Cf. Critical Notes on Isaiah (in The Polychrome Bible), p. 157, 1. 12. Vol. xxii.] The Arabic Dialect of Bgghddd. 95 Vowels. Id the Arabic writing only three vowels are expressed, viz. a, i, u or d, I, H, e. g. Joi", Jy&o , jjj , tXJ!^ , *iLLo , Jlaju*,. In the Baghdad dialect, however, as well as in all the other modern Arabic dialects we find three additional vowels, viz. 6 represent- ing a modification of u or of a diphthongal au; t for % or ai or d, and finally short e similar to the e in the English word general. (1) The change of d to g in the modern Arabic dialects, the so-called JuLol, is well known. 1 For instance: the words JLa»s men, u«Lj people, fw>\~» mosque, v_*Jio writer, are pronounced in r'jM, ngs,j&mi', Mtib. (2) The preformatives of the imperfects i and u in the first form of the verb are pronounced with an i vowel, e. g. iiqtil for Ju&s iaqtxd ; in the derived conjugations an e vowel is pronounced e. g. i'qdttil, ieqtil for iuquttil, iuqtil. This, however, is probably not a phonetic change but the survival of a by -form ; see Mr. Blake's remarks on the vowels of the preformatives in his paper on The Internal Passive in Semitic* (3) In certain nouns we find an e, like the e in the English word carpet, instead of u in classical Arabic, e. g. meshmesh, fel- fel, bestdn, peltdn instead of iJa+muo musmus 'apricot,' J.*Jj ful- ful 'pepper,' ,jUk*J bustdn 'garden,' jjliaA-w pultdn 'sultan.' In these cases we have, of course, no phonetic change but different formations; .cf. Hebrew fjJO 1 ?^ Arabic sultdn; Aramaic ?*J2, Arab, bunidn. This change is peculiar to the Baghdad dialect. The Imdle referred to under (1) occurs also in Syria, e. g. Mb 'gate,' MtSb 'book, for bdb, kitdb ; and the pronunciation of the preformatives of the imperfect with i instead of a or u is found both in Syria and Egypt. (4) The long vowels i and u often become g and 6, e. g. malSh, 'arid, battSfr for a**?** good, ijajyS. wide, #-^W melon; also 'apfdgh, ndqds, maksdgh, for < j i m c sparrow, u^li bell, \jmjXjo broken. In Egypt and Syria the vowels i and # are preserved. 1 Cf. Griinert, Uber dielmala (Vienna, 1876), and Haupt, The Assyrian E-vowel (Baltimore, 1887), p. 18. 2 Compare also Beitr&ge zur Assyriologie, 1, 17, n. 30. 96 G. Oussani, [1901, <■ The 2 and 6 of the Baghdad dialect, in the cases mentioned above, is no doubt due to the influence of the adjacent con- sonants. 1 (5) Unaccented short vowels are often syncopated, e. g. ^'j? bird si 'on my head,' becomes Ira! si; ^^Ju^aJ libaiti 'to my house,' becomes ThUi. In the same way the vowel of the pre- formatives of the imperfect is often dropped if the first stem consonant of the verb is followed by a vowel, e. g. tp&Ui, nbdrik for J<—*o.—i, iih L_a_j tupalli 'thou prayest,' and nubdriku ' we bless ;' so, too, in the pref ormative (• of the participles, e. g. mqdttil, mddrris, rn'allim for JJUw muqdttilu n 'murderer,' (j*\Juo muddrrisu n 'instructor,' and *-Ia* mu'allimu n 'teacher.' We find the same elision, e. g., in the forms J— *-*-i, J«.*i , Jlai, and XJlxi, for instance Apdw, hmir, flits, djdjat for (jLaa. Aap^ra 'horse,' /-*+="■ Aawfa" 'asses,' (j«j-U /Mto 'money,' and £i&.L&-i> dajdjat. 'hen.' (6) In the plural of the nomen agentis the second stem conso- nant is often syncopated, e. g. kdtbin, msilmin, mtfdlmin for jj.-aj'IS' katibtin ' writers,' ^j+Xm+jo musKmtln ' Musulmans,' and ijy+JjM mu'allimlln ' teachers.' 2 The same syncope takes place in the dual form. 3 (7) The same elision occurs after the second stem consonant of the 3 pers. sing. fern, and 3 pers. masc. plur. of the .perfect, e. g. I'ibsit, Kiinit, libsu r -Ji i ^ a ^ a for v^-*«.^J Idbisat 'she dressed,' ooy=» hazinat 'she waVgrieved,' LmmJ labisU 'they dressed,' and f«jy=»- hazin-CL 'they were grieved.' 4 (8) In the same way short vowels are dropped at the end, e. g. the final vowel of the termination of the 2 pers. sing. masc. of the 1 Cf . Noldeke, Syr. Oram. 1 § 48. 2 We find the same elision even in Assyrian, e. g. dsbu ' dwelling ' for u&sibu, s&lsu 'third' for s&lisu. Cf. Delitzsch, Assyr. Grammar, §37. 3 In the dialect of Baghdad as well as in all the other modern Arabic dialects, the dual and plural forms of the participles are preserved only in their genitive case; as in Syriac and Hebrew, the nominative case has altogether disappeared, e. g. ^aaj'd, jj^JLa, .^jUMtJoo instead of ■ jj^j'K, [jj^JLe and ,^jk*«\Juo, kdtbin, l dlm4n and mdarsSn for the old dual forms jjLolS', ^jLJLft and ^LwjcXjo • 4 Of. Dillmann, Athiop. Gram* §§ 37, 76. Vol. xxii.] The Arabic Dialect of Maghddd. 97 perfect (e. g. Ibist, Mini 1 for ^.^ labista ' thou didst dress,' wJV* hazinta 'thou wast grieved') 1 or the overlapping vowels of the imperfect (e. g. tdhzan, dlbas, dhzan for ^yd. tdhzanu 'thou art sad,' y^jJI dlbasu 'I dress,' ^ya-t dhzanu 'I am sad'); or the final vowel of the possessive suffix of the second person (e. g. kdlbaJe, jismak for ^jJSkdlbuka 'thy dog,' &+»*£*■ jismuka 'thy body'). 2 Owing to this apocope of the final vowel the 3 pers. fern. sing. of the perf. can be distinguished from the 2 pers. masc. sing, only by the accent : in the 3 pers. fern. sing, the accent is on the first syllable, while in the 2 pers. masc. sing, the accent is on the second syllable, e. g. Mia qdtalet, hiia dkalet for odjCS ^ Mia qdtalat 'she has killed' and o— LS^I ^ Mia dkalat 'she has eaten,' and dnta qatdlet, dnta akdlet for \^XxS ool dnta qatdlta 'thou hast killed' and oJ5l oof dnta akdlta 'thou has eaten.' 3 (9) In the forms qatl, qitl, qutl, an auxiliary vowel is inserted in the second syllable just as in the corresponding Hebrew Sego- late forms, e. g. sdmis for (j***-w sams 'sun,' bmit for cuJ bint 'daughter ;' q-ddis for u*tXs quds 'holiness.' 4 The original form, however, is preserved before suffixes, just as in Hebrew *2'7D, npD and >5JHD . Contraction of Diphthongs. The diphthongs ai and au of the classical Arabic are always pronounced % and 6, e. g. idm, z&t, mdf, hds, bSt for (•*—-> jaurn 'day,' osJV zap 'olive oil,' yyy maut 'death,' \Jhj2* haus 'court- yard,' oaj bait 'house.' So also in the termination of the dual, e. g. SahrSn, ktSbSn for ^-!j-g..« sahrain 'two months,' and ^wajLXJ kitdbain ' two books,' as the ' plural of the genitive ' " is 1 Cf. Stumne, Gframm. des Tunisischen Arabisch. (Leipzig, 1896), p. 7. For this apocope of final short vowels, cf. Noldeke, Syr. Gram.* § 50. 8 Cf. Heb. J-Q"Q=6araA;a£. Similarly we have in Syriac qitldth= qdtalat and qtalt=qatdlta. 4 In Assyrian the characteristic vowel of the first syllable is repeated in the construct state of the forms qatl, qitl, qutl : qatal, qitil, qutul. Of. Haupt in Beitrage zur assyrischen Lautlchre (Gottingen, 1883), p. 89, n. 3. 5 Cf. above, p. 102, n. 3. vol. xxii. 7 98 G. Oussani, [1901. used, e. g. I'nin instead of \jy*>, sons; this termination -tn can, of course, not be explained as Imdle of the nominative ending -dn in classical Arabic. We find this S for ai also in the verbs tertice [C, e. g. ramMu for oyy0\ ramaitu 'I threw.' Contraction of the diphthongs obtains also in the other Arabic dialects, but in none of them is it so general and consistent as in the dialect of Baghdad. 1 I have often heard Egyptians and Syrians pronounce o*J) zait, (j^j-s* haus, «y^-« maut, etc., but the natives of Baghdad always contract the diphthongs. In the dialect of ado-V Zahle in Northern Syria, on the other hand, the diphthongs are constantly preserved as in classical Arabic. 2. Morphological Notes. One of the most striking peculiarities of the Arabic dialect of Baghdad is the suffix nU instead of hd in many cases, e. g. y*j*\ abdnti for S»j! abiihu 'his father,' ^jj-*-' ax-tinti, for s^ia-l axdhu 'his brother,' j-iyd* 'alSntf, for a-d-^ 'cdaihi 'upon him,' ~yo binti for xj bihi 'in him;' yXx minnd for &_*-/> minhu 'from him;' +*■& stinti for j& !> { s^ 1 d a li u Sai , i n h&ua ' what is it?' Also in the following forms of the verb : yJyXXXs qataltdnti, for &XAX3 qatdltuhu. ' I killed him,' ^jLlLxs qatalndnti, for sLaXajs qatalndhu 'we killed him,' *Xf.XXj3 qatalttrvA for xaaXXs qataltthi* or nXXXS qataltihi 'thou (fern.) didst kill him,' yiXXXs qatalt{inu for Sj^JUJCi' qataltumUhu 'you killed him,' jXyXXs qatalUnO, for Sj-Lxi' qataMhU ' they killed him,' yXjJj£&2 taqtilind for ju-LlSj taqtulihi* 'thou (fern.) wilt kill him,' jJwLxiiJ' tiqtilttnlX for 1 In the same way the diphthongs ay, and aj appear as u and t in. Assyrian ; but the Hebrew name VtiHpJ is rendered at the time of Tiglathpileser III. (745-737) by Ausi', and at the time of Assurbanipal (668-626) the sheik of the Kedarenes is called U&te' and Jauta'u, i. e., probably, Ji\^ and ^j (cf. Jo^ , t>o yj ; _ ,._&, ,♦*->, etc.), see Haupt. Sumerisehe FamUiengesetze (Leipzig, 1879), p. 21, n. 1 ; Uber den Halbvocal u im Assyrischen, in Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, 2, 261 ; Beitrage zur Assyriologie, i, 170. 296. 2 See Wright-de Goeje 3 , vol. i, § 186, c ; cf. Heb. ♦JTfrBp , etc. 3 For the survival of the by-form hi instead of hu in this case see Crit. Notes on Judges (in The Polychrome Bible), p. 66, 1. 23. Vol. xxii.] The Arabic Dialect of Baghddd. 99 taqtuUhu 'you will kill him,' ^Jj-XXftJ nqtMnii for iaqtvltthu 'they will kill him,' and finally the 2 pers. plur. of the imperative, e. g. jJy^-XS qtidtinil for SjJbii'f uqtuMhu ' kill ye him,' and the 2 pers. sing, f em. jXAj3 qtilinU for xJUijit uqtuUhi 'kill thou (fem.) him.' Professor Haupt compares this y with the suffix in Heb. IJJ'N he is not, !) JTJ y Ae «s srt/Z, 1JJJ* Ae as. 1 This ?i# may be based on the analogy of the suffix ni which we find in a number of cases instead of the possessive suf- fix i, e. g. *11»X , ^"liy - 'IJH * cf . Arabic ij) innani, for mm, ^^aaXD Idikinnani for Idlcinni, ^^aJ laisani for &ms£, etc., and the modern Arabic forms i5 aas /m« and ^-aaj 5mi for £ and ^ .' This w? is evidently identical with the verbal suffix of the first person. 3 Brockelmann thinks that the suffix *|J in l^tf is identical with the particle ^t anna (lit. it is not that he) ; but this view is improbable. In Assyrian the verbal suffix appears not only as ni, but also, especially after a preceding #, as anni, inni, e. g. ilqtl'inni-ma ustesibH, , inni 'they took me, and caused me to dwell' (in 1. 205 of the Cuneiform Account of the Deluge). This shows that the verbal suffix ni is shortened from anni, inni, i. e. Heb. >Jin (^5 + J-) Clermont-Ganneau, on the other band, thinks that this nil of the Arabic dialect of Baghdad cannot be an emphatic J, nor an ele- ment belonging to the preceding word ; it must be therefore, he concludes, regarded as an integral part of the suffix itself, which, at an early time, may have been both nit and hit. According to Clermont-Ganneau this hypothesis is made more probable by the fact that in Phoenician we have both □!"!" and DJ- as suffixes of the 3 pers. masc. plur. 4 and if DJ" is the plural suffix, we may 1 So we must point instead of the traditional 'jJty'' ; cf. Critical Notes on Numbers (in The Polychrome Bible), p. 57, 1. 37 ; Stade, § 370, b ; Brockelmann in ZA. 14, 347. 2 Cf. Gesenius-Kautzseh's Hebrew Grammar, § 103, d. 3 Contrast Gesenius-Kautzsch, § 100 ; Brockelmann, Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, 14, 347. 4 Cf . Schroder, Die phonizische Sprache (Halle, 1869), § 57 (p. 158) ; Lidzbarski, Handbuch der nordsemit. Epigraphik. (Weimar, 1898), p. 396. 100 G. Oussani, {1901. assume that 1J was the singular suffix, which is precisely the suf- fix 1J preserved in the modern Arahic dialect of Baghdad. 1 In the two words v_?l father and ~-l brother, the suffix of the 1. pers. sing. masc. appears as it : teiy^-' a&&$ aid ^?.y^ abHii instead of .-at abi and .-»■! axi. This suffix -ii may be a modifi- cation of the original form -ia (cf. Assyr. abtfa, axti'a for ab-Aia, ax4ia) influenced by the ordinary form of the suffix of the first person -%, jast as Heb. 'n^CDp I killed, instead of qatdltu, and *3JX I instead of andku, were influenced by the i of *JX .* A special peculiarity of the Baghdad dialect is the use of the two words S\ ak4 'there is,' and jiXo mdkti 'there is not,' corresponding to & and (j&joLo in the modern Arabic dialect of Egypt. Therefore Baghdad is called the ' Land of Akii and MdM? as Egypt is called the land of Mdfish. The forms y^S and jJ Lo are probably derived from some form of the verb ^jo , lj*£j to be. Proper Names. In the Baghdad dialect there exists a special nominal form used exclusively for proper names, which, in the other Arabic dialects, contain the name of God &AJt . This form is where originally it had no place. It was then still further extended to those verbal forms which end in a long vowel (the only exception being the form of the 3. pi. perf. with suffix qatalkun-nH, which might, however, be explained as derived from the feminine form .jjCLvi' rather than from the masculine |vJ£Xxi"), and to the nouns ,jt ab ' father,' and ±\ ax ' brother,' which have at least a long vowel before the possessive suffixes, e. g. iiJ«j| abtt-k ' thy father,' 1 '■>, M axti,-nd, ' onr brother.' 2 Cf. Haupt, Sumerische Familiengesetze (Leipzig, 1879), p. 53 ; Stade, § 179, a, n. 3. Vol. xxii.] The Arabic Dialect of JBaghddd. 101 does not occur in classical Arabic. Instead of xJUt -«aj JVaprul- Idhi (Help of God), xUI y£j> Sukrulldhi (Reward of God), *JJI oj^ Rizqulldhi (Gift of God), jJJI Jux 'Abdulldhi (Ser- vant of God) we find tyy^i Na^HH, &)£& SakMri, ^fy RazzHql and ^y+s- 'Abbudi. Even the three Hebrew names, Michael, Gabriel, and Raphael ("jNfiH, ^NHDJ , ^frO'D), appear in the dialect of Baghdad as J,j-is? Maxxuli, tS)j--*-^ Jabbdri ^T*) -R a ffl'&li, thus showing the influence of analogy. It is used also for the feminine name aU^Ls Fdtime which appears as s* U» Fattume. 1 This form ,1-jLs is, according to Professor Haupt, a nisbeh derived from the intensive adjective form J^is , e. g. |»«-A-* qaiittm ' everlasting,' «"^*"' sabbuh ' all-glorious,' u*jtX* qaddus 'most holy.' 2 A name like \g\yai may be a denominative derived from an intensive by-form of «-*" helper, so that it would mean Belonging to the Great Helper, and ^.Xiu from an intensive by-form of )y*-& , so that it means Belonging to the Great Rewarder. Several of these names are, of course, nothing but analogical formations. For the nomina unitatis the form sXxi of the classical Arabic is never used, but tbe form SS^jU fa'ldie or ^^ni faHdii, which seems to be a diminutive of the form JiXxi , e. g. ^U.^ najmdii 'star, blaze,' ^jL».i lahmdii 'piece of meat,' ,gjLxs» xibzdii 'apiece of bread,' ^—jU^. jibndii 'a piece of cheese,' for »i<, Ji*^, !M-&. and &*■«?■. The classical forms of these nomina unitatis are preserved in the modern Arabic dialects of Syria and Egypt/- 3. LEXICOGRAPHICAL NOTES. Pronouns, Adverbs, and Prepositions. I append here a list of the forms of the principal pronouns, adverbs, and prepositions used in the Arabic dialect of Baghdad with the corresponding forms in the other Arabic dialects. 1 In north Morocco Fatt-Cbs ; cf . Seitrage zur Assyriologie, 3, 566. 8 Cf . Wright-de Goeje, 1, 138, A, § 223, and Noldeke, Syr. Gram.*, § 119. 102 G. Oussani, [1901. Baghdad, ^-iyfc hdnt <4XX>ySt> honiki \J*> wtn iLJ«i\s> hadhdlik jitX# hadhdli *j^1j6 halidm ^aj^ liautmX *J6 hamm hamm&nd = Luo A MW ^ 'here.' — JU* hundka 'there.' = ^ot awa ' where ?' = Jlj^l iild'ika 'those.' = 3ye hd'iZld'i 'these.' = |»jjJ! '^ hddhdliaurna 'to-day.' = !t\# Add/id 'this.'- = yo U# Aima M'a ' here it is.' = Loj! aida n 'also.' = Lajl a ida,™ ' also.' =*!*& ^^U li'aiii safi n ' why.' JiiLj or j£b^c balds or = tS & ^L> Sift? saj'i™ 'without _c«..yo mbdghir ^ Lo ■^suS ktfmdkdn \^>JsyMi su&qit oiJj (jsi kull udgit J-SV*JLj bil'ajal J,fj-c 'audft' i£y*» sdua ys>- jauua Zj bdrra pay, for nothing.' a*. ^J* Wanna 'hecause. JuJj' g-afi^ 'little.' • however.' = oi« ^1 £ /? am adgtfi' 1 ' when ?' L*5li> dti?ima n 'always.' ifl&. hdla n 'immediately.' LLUtf hariCa n ' prosit !' Ju^*« sairtiiata n 'together.' ^LsJiJ ddxila n 'inside.' La.«L&. xdrija n 'outside.' i*o sunH =*&*- li && t d aiiu saiH n hHua 'what is it?' ^.iL^ uidw&° = xjuo md'ahu ' with him.' ^-*-a-j-<& sbintX = ju °^i ^t a(/w sai , i n bihi (or »J u») ' what is the matter with him ?' 1 Cf . Talcott Williams' article on the spoken Arabic of North Morocco in the Beitrage zur Assyriologie. 3, 567, n. *. s Cf. below, p. 110. 8 The diminutive of » -& . 4 Plur. of 2uiL& 'afije 'health,' which is used in north Morocco for )Ls fire; cf. Beitrage zur Assyriologie, 3, p. 577, I. 13. 6 1, e. [J + j . For sGj iiaiiahu, i. e. XajlJ! ^ + lit + nu, instead of hu (cf. above, p. 104), cf. Wright-de Goeje 8 , 2, 84, D. Vol. xxii.] The Arabic Dialect of gaghddd. i03 VOCABULARY. Foreign Words. The vocabulary of the dialect of Baghdad has been enriched by a great many Syriac, Turkish, Persian, and European words. Of the words borrowed from the Syriac we may mention JC M to lock the door, from • ^™ oUo supernatavit, from <-a4' i.« „b, w to wash the hand, from ^4-*> n * ' ft to draw the sword, from <-^a^ Iji-Ls to destroy, from £>**& to undress, from Also the form JysXj for nomina agentis as in J^cLw business man, etc., seems to be due to the influence of the Syriac. 4 Finally all the words relating to the Christian religion appear to be borrowed from the Syriac just as in the other Arabic dia- lects, 6 e. g. iXf^Li talmidh 'student' or 'disciple,' (jaiL+JO sammds, 'ministerial assistant at the altar,' (j*J> qess or l j*i»A.*«i> qassis, 'priest,' 4>Ua 'mdd 'baptism,' ^#1^ hdhin 'priest,' 6 \%J6 kdruz ' From this word we have \j^o tdf, the name for the inflated skins P 7 P7 put under rafts (keleks = Syriac j^iXs or j-iSi kalkd or k'lakkd). The ancient Assyrian name for these inflated skins was gabsH; cf. Crit. Notes on Ezekiel (in The Polychrome Bible), p. 65, 1. 15. 2 Cf . for this verb Crit. Notes on Proverbs (in The Polychrome Bible), p. 38, 1. 42. 3 In the last four stems the identity of the sibilant shows that these stems are not genuine Arabic words ; otherwise we should expect a ,j* for a, ; cf . Haupt. Sumer. Familiengesetze (Leipzig, 1879), p. 20, n. 3 ; ZDMG,, 34, 762, n. 2; Beitr. zur assyr. Lautlehre (Gottingen, 1883), p. 101, § 7 ; Frankel, Aram. Fremdworter im Arab. (Leyden, 1886), p. xiv. 4 Cf. Noldeke, Syr. Gram.'', §107, and Barth, Nominal-bildung, § 122, 10. - 6 So also in Ethiopic, e. g. qasis 'priest,' plur. qasduSst, hafmdndt 'faith,' etc., etc,; cf. Pratorius, Athiop. Or. (Karlsruhe. 1886), p. 1, n. *; see also Frankel, Aram. Fremdworter im Arab., pp. 275 ff. 6 The genuine Arabic ,,yS&& means seer, soothsayer, cf. Wellhausen, Beste arab. Heidenthums'*, pp. 134, 143. 104 G. Oussani, [1901. 'preacher,' 1 jLss~kx> mdsha 'extreme unction," u«jJ'Lj ndqds 'bell,' etc.— from Ir^^ul, Uin^, U^ or U^^>, lp^, P"", ."•"." - ' ','*■' i * ', . i " ' °, }'\o- t .s } Uo.^*.Aifi (or Uo.^*.io or t-»*- i0 ), (-^a-oJ. From the Persian and Turkish languages we may mention the few following words cLa pagh 'genuine, in good condition.' ^£Aj balki 'perhaps.' vilya- 6HriXg 'defective.' viA^Jbc halbdt 'necessarily, of course.' (V* hamm 'also.' (jwtjj jew^s ' slowly.' (jm..>^» dauis ' policeman.' s ji-jtXJ gdts ' a poor horse.' s*4>«j perd'e 'curtain.' -aXj&o pesMr 'napkin.' „ Jjja. (*L=» J^S 'to bring here or in.' *s»jj' tauajja' 'to be sick.' JLxi* ta'<2? ' come here !' jfcLftil inqili' 'get away !' cJJs idto' 'to go out.' o'Ij Jdg 1 'to steal.' i£jrfA< sauna 'to make.' ^^ uddda 'to bring away.' iX*< sddda ' to close.' JLo\ szwid? 'ass.' \jbj£- ghdrad ' thing.' >Uaia. a;M«<2r. 'guest.' (3*£e- 'a% 'old' (of things). &JLaJI yuSkaarilclfra 'to breakfast.' U^jLa/ s^ms 'hostler,' from the Aramaic or Hebrew word for Aorse, J-hojs (Assyr. sisu), DID • JLsUjo mbSha- ' to-morrow.' 106 G. Oussani, C 1901 - (CjLo mdui 'blue 7 = ^L*, i. e. the color of the water; the word J«l dzraq for blue is never used in Baghdad. iccoLso hdsa = %Ju bdqarat ' cow.' $3y&ui~i bastdqa 'jar.' iv&^ xdsim 'nose.' y^- hulu (lit. sweet) is used for a beautiful man, woman or thing. yijjt dbras = JL&I dsgwr 'blond.' j^Ls balliXr 'crystal.' iUieyo muttiia 'she-ass.' l5>j|j udui = ^1 (^vJl £6w dud 'fox.' Proper Names. As a rule the Mohammedans and the Arabs in Baghdad and in the surrounding country bear pure Arabic names. The most common names for men are : j TPac?£'a, etc., for women. Some also have European names as >iUX«l Iskdnder (Alexander), *- Jirjes for men ; — and U»a.=2» Udgine (Regina), SyJI ii7fee (Eliza), ^^^ KdrdUn (Caroline), ^asv^s- Jozefin (Josephine) for women. 4. SPECIMEN OF THE MODERN ARABIC DIALECT OF BAGHDAD. With Tbansliteeation, English Tbanslation and Reteans- lation into classical arabic. ,£■*+* >iLu.,J& yiyXJlMi Lc* |^_J»awJLj icJ^"?! cXa£. OC5VC. S^SXaaX yi^A-U u^*^»j 5^*?^ /***^ liy-Lcv^ (j^-* A-* - ' r" cJ*' 0° AA^aJI i*}"*-^ ic^r?' W. «*«*^ ^Jj JjXUj iS»J^' ciJL* L*m^' *AJs! ,«&*• ojJIJ i^*.-^ \zi~iS ^5<^ Lj iJ^Ls^ ^^L?. ^jtj Tbansliteeation. Mbtha rihtu' Hnd abdii bissdq urne* siftimtf, hdniki mbdrir hdn kin rdh Irir maMn uizHtttf, Jctir ubd'dti rji'tu lilb&t uqiltUUh lirnmi yxabbartdueh* uMie hammSna nhapdrit lettr. ttlimme pdr- 1 The p f is a gutteral (velar or postpalatal) r, as in French or Ger- man ; cf. Beltr. zur'Assyriologie, i, 257, n. 9. 2 For x = -v see Beitr. zur Assyr., I, 355. 108 Oussani, The Arabic Dialect of Baghddd. [ 1901 - il-rnese so'dltti, abiXii uqiltdlU uin kinit id abdii halidm-icpibih uh&ue jdii'ebni tfqdlli id ueledi Mntu rihtu lissdq hitte atdlli'-ippen- ediq illi ztipltni mbSha min Ordpe yba'adll iauudfni idhd uifrihne biie Mir. English Translation. When I had gone yesterday to (see) my father in the market, I did not see him there; he had gone to some other place. I was very much disappointed. Then I went home and told my mother and informed her. She, too, was very much disappointed. When the evening came, I asked my father, and said to him: "Where were you this morning, father?" He answered and said to me : " My boy, I had gone to the market to take out the trunks which had been sent to me yesterday from Europe." Thereupon he showed them to me, and we both liked them very much. Retkanslation into Classical Arabic. Jl «y.*=») stX*jj \y*& ^*Xs\y ^j&oo _a£. Jl v_*s&3 iXS ^ nLo UJj \j*& isd>£\ L^jI ^St>^ LgJiyA J -tj ^Je^ oJjJj ouuJt U&U ^U stX*^ Ljj^I ^ x&AJI i5 jl&Loj ^^xJf (^joUoflJI ©ie farfiige $i0ef ^IT^t. &n$tif$t (perfecting. Hiervon sind ersehienen: %%t ®ooft of JS«tficu». Translated by The Rev. S. R. Driver, D. D., Regies Professor of Hebrew, and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford, viii and 1Q7 pages, printed in three colors (55 pages of Translation and 52 pages of Notes). With four full-page illustrations (one of them in colors) and four illustrations in the Notes. Cloth, {M 6.00; 6/; $ 1.25 net.) %%t (gooft of 2f«*0ua- Translated by The Rev. W. H. Bennett, M. A., Professor of Old Testament Languages and Literature at Hackney and New Colleges, London, formerly Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, viii and 94 pages, printed in nine colors (43 pages of Translation and 51 pages of Notes, including an illustrated Excursus on the el-Amarna Tablets and an Alphabetical List of Geographical Names). With eleven full-page illustrations (one of them in colors) and 25 illustrations in the Notes. Cloth {Ji 6.00; 6/; $ 1.25 net.) %%t $ooft of %ubQte. Translated by The Rev. G. P. Moore, D. D., Professor of Hebrew, Andover Theological Seminary, xii and 99 pages, printed _ in seven colors (42 pages of Translation and 57 pages of Notes). With seven full-page illustrations (including a Map of the Twelve Tribes, in colors) and 21 illustrations in the Notes. Cloth, (Jl 6.00; 6/ ;$1.2o net.) €(S« (gooft of tfyt (ptopfytt 3«fi\$t two fumerifelk "KtilfflxiftUxtt. 1.— 4. Lieferung. [I. Band] M. 36 — BEZOLD, C.